• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.36-59
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• 2021

This study infers the origin and production period of the , which is in the Onyang folk museum, through analysis and interpretation of the Haeju Palgyeong and exploration of the landscapes and traditions contained in the painting. The first collection of landscapes to Haeju was identified as Haeju Palgyeong by Ku Sa-meng (1531-1604). Yoo Man-ju, writing in 1782, referred to it as Go-palgyeong in 『Heumyeong』 while Haeju Palgyeong was defined as Geum-palgyeong (今八景), which is the Haeju Palgyeong in the earliest period confirmed by literature. is 'Boating on the Nam river (南江泛舟)', 'Lotus viewing at Buyongdang (芙蓉賞蓮)', 'Foot washing at Gwangseokcheon (廣石濯足)', 'Seokbyul at Haeunkyo (泣川送客)', 'Fishing at Haeunjeong (東亭釣魚)' and 'Sea view at Namsan( 南山望海)', and the final two contain a picture that contains 'Viewing the moon at Yeonghaeru (瀛海玩月)' and 'Writing contest and Archery at Baeklimjeong (栢林觀德)' The Suyang Chaemi(首陽採薇), Shingwang-jeoljeol (神光霽雪), and Jiseong falls (池城瀑布) of Gopalgyeong, which were excluded from Haeju Palgyeong, are all landscapes unfolding as a grand site of Suyangsan Mountain. is a result of the reorganization of Seunggyeong centered on Eupchi (邑治), away from the Suyangsan area. It has emerged as a seunggyeong of Haeju. The elaborateness of trying to contain the detailed prizes representing Haeju, such as the specialty sake of Haeju, is revealed. Most of the landscapes depicted in are historic and outstanding spots in Haemok, but the scenes of life related to daily life are properly arranged. In addition, Foot washing (濯足), Fishing(釣魚), Doing laundry (漂母), Lotus viewing (賞蓮), Sending guests (送客), Drinking (飮酒), sea viewing (望海), Moon viewing (玩月), Archery (射藝), Poetry (詩作), Drinking tea (飮茶), and Dancing (歌舞) are of various styles. Compared with the Gopalgyeongs, Haeju Palgyeong did not take into account the distribution of landscapes in the four seasons, and the small-sized view was also broken. When considering the time of the construction of Haeunjeong and the deterioration of Yeonghhoeru, it is believed that was produced in the early- to mid-18th century. is considered to be a painting that contributed to strengthening the sense of intimacy with the local people and promoting the pride of Haeju by showing the representative scenery of Haeju, such as scenic spots and customs, away from the ideal utopia.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.224-243
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• 2014

This study examined the materials and casting technology(cast, alloy, etc.) used in the manufacturing of bronze artifacts based on old literature such as Yongjae Chonghwa, Cheongong Geamul, and The Korea Review. In the casting experiment for restoration of Sangpyong Tongbo, a bronze and brass mother coin mold was made using the sand mold casting method described in The Korea Review. The cast was comprised of the original mold plate frame, wooden frame, and molding sand. Depending on the material of the outer frame, which contains the molding sand, the original mold plate frame can be either a wooden frame or steel frame. For the molding sand, light yellow-colored sand of the Jeonbuk Iri region was used. Next, the composition of the mother alloy used in the restoration of Sangpyong Tongbo was studied. In consideration of the evaporation of tin and lead during actual restoration, the composition of Cu 60%, Zn 30%, and Pb 10% for brass as stated in The Korea Review was modified to Cu 60%, Zn 35%, and Pb 15%. For bronze, based on the composition of Cu 80%, Sn 6%, and Pb 14% used for Haedong Tongbo, the composition was set as Cu 80%, Sn 11%, and Pb 19%. The mother coin mold was restored by first creating a wooden father coin, making a cast from the wooden frame and basic steel frame, alloying, casting, and making a mother coin. Component analysis was conducted on the mother alloy of the restored Sangpyong Tongbo, and its primary and secondary casts. The bronze mother alloy saw a 5% increase in copper and 4% reduction in lead. The brass parent alloy had a 5% increase in copper, but a 4% and 12% decrease in lead and tin respectively. Analysis of the primary and secondary mother coin molds using an energy dispersive spectrometer showed that the bronze mother coin mold had a reduced amount of lead, while the brass mother coin mold had less tin. This can be explained by the evaporation of lead and tin in the melting of the primary mother coin mold. In addition, the ${\alpha}$-phase and lead particles were found in the mother alloy of bronze and brass, as well as the microstructure of the primary and secondary coin molds. Impurities such as Al and Si were observed only in the brass mother coin mold.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.4-21
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• 2019

In this paper, 23 Silla gold earrings from the sixth and seventhand centuries, excavated from the Yeongnam region, were analyzed. Based on the silver content of the gold plate, they were classified into three types. The classifications included type I(20-50wt%), type II(10-20wt%) and type III (less than 10wt%). In the analysis process, the composition and morphological differences were identified on the surface of the gold plate. In the case of type I and II earrings, it was observed that the fine holes were concentrated in a relatively higher part of the gold content. The causes of the difference in the surface composition of the gold plate were divided into four categories: 1) surface treatment, 2) thermal diffusivity in the manufacturing process, 3) differences in composition of alluvial gold, and 4) the refining method of gold. It is possible that depletion gilding was attempted to increase the gold content while intentionally removing the other metals from the surface of the gold alloy in the portion where the gold deposit is relatively concentrated on the surface of the gold plating. The highest copper content was detected in the earring with the highest gold content of the analyzed earrings, and it was assumed that thermal diffusion had occurred between the gold plate and the metal rod during the manufacturing process rather than intentional addition. Copper was detected only in the thin ring earring type, and copper was not detected in the thick ring earring type or pendant type. It also proves that this earring has a high degree of tightness at higher temperatures, as there was an invisible edge finish on other earrings and horizontal wrinkles on the gold plate surface. In terms of the material of the gold plate, we examined whether the silver content of the gold plate was natural gold or added by alloy through analyzing the alluvial gold collected in the region. As a result of the analysis, it was found that on average about 13wt% of silver is included. This suggests that type II is natural gold, type III is refined gold, and type I seems to have been alloyed with natural gold. Here, we investigated the refining method introduced in the ancient literature, both at home and abroad, about the possibility of alloying silver after the refining process of type III earrings and then making pure gold. It was found that from ancient refining methods, silver which had been present in the natural gold was removed by reacting and combining with silver chloride or silver sulfide, and long-term efforts and techniques were required to obtain pure gold through this method. Therefore, it was concluded that the possibility of adding a small amount of silver in order to increase strength after making pure gold through a refining process is low.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.38
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• pp.305-321
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• 1998

The costume style of the Chosun dynasty changed greatly after Imjinwaeran (the Japanese Invasion of Chosun Korea, 1592∼1598). Most of the extant costumes come from the late Chosun, but some costumes produced be-fore Imjinwaeran have been excavated, and in addition, information on these older constumes is contained in contemporary literature. Of especial value in the study of pre-Imjinwaeran Chosun constumes is a mid-sixteenth century palace painting depicting the worship of Buddha, a painting in the collection of the Ho-Am Art Museum in Seoul. The present study of costume during the middle Chosun dynasty focuses on this painting, and compares it with other contemporary palace paintings, and with other contemporary palace paintings, and with Nectar Ritual Paintings. The following conclusion were drawn : * Concerning woman's hair styles of the time, married women wore a large wig. Un-married women braided their hair, and then either let it fall down their back or wore it coiled on top of their head. * The major characteristic of woman's costumes was a ample, tube-like silhouette, with the ratio of the Jeogori(Korean woman's jacket) and skirt being one-to-one. * The style of Jeogori in the painting was like that of excavated remains. Some Jeogoris were simple (without decoration), while some Jeogoris were worn with red sashes. Here we can confirm the continuity of ancient Korean costumes with those of the sixteenth century * Although the skirt covered the ankles, it did not touch the ground. Because the breadth of the skirt was not wide, it seems to have been for ordinary use. Colors of skirts were mainly white or light blue. * All men in the painting wore a headdress. Ordinary men, not Buddhist monks, wore Bok-du (headstring), Chorip (straw hat), or Heuk-rip (black hat). In this painting, men wore a Heukrip which had a round Mojeong (crown). * The men wore sashes fastened around their waist to close their coats, which was different from the late Chosun, in which men bound their sashes around their chest. That gave a ration of the bodice of the coat to the length of the skirt of one-to-one, which was consistent with that of woman's clothing. * In this painting, we cannot see the Buddhist monk's headdress that appeared later in the Chosun, such as Gokkal (peaked hat), Songnak (nun's hat), and Gamtu (horsehair cap). These kinds of headdresses, which appeared in paintings from the seventeenth century, were worn widely inside or outside the home. Buddhist monks wore a light blue long coat, called Jangsam (Buddhist monk's robe) and wore Gasa (Buddhist monk's cope), a kind of ceremonial wrap, round their body. We can see that the Gasa was very splendid in the early years of the Chosun dynasty, a continuing tradition of Buddhist monk's costumes from the Koryo dynasty.

• Science of Emotion and Sensibility
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.99-114
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• 2018

Saekdong is a unique Korean fabric that has been used since ancient times, and it is woven with the plain or satin weave so that vertical stripes appear by various colored warp threads of equal spacing. Saekdong means pleasure, joy, serenity, heavenly blessing, spirituality, wind, and abundance, expressing the optimistic and positive sentiment of Korea's forefathers. This study investigated how ancient Saekdong occurred with meanings. As a research method, this study used literature review and surfing newspapers and photographs, museum and internet search, even from other fields such as earthenware, bronze, and traditional dance. We collected Saekdong and the lifestyles of ethnic Koreans living in China, investigated the Asuka culture of Japan, and the tomb murals of Takamatsu-Chong, which are Baekje and Goguryeo settlement areas. The results are as follows: First, it expresses happy occasion, pleasure, and joy, and expresses a desire for good things to be repeated and lasting. Second, it symbolizes simple beauty, order, equality and harmony of many tribes. Third, Saekdong is life and power which represent a sacred, heavenly, mysterious bird. Fourth, it symbolizes abundance and wealth, rain, wind or fields. Finally, this study showed the brilliance and pride of Korean hanbok through Saekdong. The significance of this study is to examine the symbolism and inherent aesthetic characteristics of Saekdong and to show the unique value and spiritual heritage of the Korean people.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.91-102
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to prepare the introduction of the community facilities in public corporation buildings as the effort to community activation in the innovation city. The type and development condition of community facilities, and the cases of the private and public corporation buildings are studied. Moreover, the type and scale of facilities which can be established in the public corporation building that will move to the innovation city. The result can be summarized as follows; First, the community facilities can be classified into leisure, public administration, culture, athletics, and welfare, and the facilities are suggested at each hierarchy of living area. Secondly, the result of the case study shows that the public corporation establishes and operates various facilities include welfare, culture, and athletic facilities while the private part usually installs the cultural one. Thirdly, cultural(library, museum, performing place), athletic(soccer field, tennis court, swimming pool), welfare(day nursery, children's library) facilities are selected as the applicable ones to the public corporation building which is going to move to the innovation city. And finally, the basic unit of each facility is derived based on the investigation of legal standard, present condition, and literature reviews, etc., and applied to estimate the scale of the community facility in the public corporation building.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.63-73
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• 2007

Korean children's clothes have unique aesthetic characteristics distinguished from other countries'. Our folk beliefs handed down from ancient times always contained fortune - seeking thoughts and particularly mothers' earnest wishes for the happiness of their children were sublimated into the symbolic beauty of their children's clothes. The present study examined children's clothes in the royal family and among the people for 50 years of the transitional period from the late Joseon Dynasty to modern times, by classifying them into ritual dress for new-born babies, festival dress and everyday dress. Male children's clothes included caps such as Bokgeon(복건), Hogeon(호건) and Gulle(굴레) topcoats such as Durumagi(두루마기), Sagyusam(사규삼) Koija(쾌자) and Jeonbok(전복) and others such as Magoja(마고자), Baeja(배자), Joggi(조끼) and Bajijeogori(바지저고리), Female children's clothes included caps and head ornaments such as Gulle, Jobawi(조바위) and Daenggi(댕기) and others such as Durumagi, Jegori and Chima(치마). What is interesting is that old clothes handed down to the present are mostly boys' and few of them are girls'. This is probably because of the strong preference for boys rather than girls that continued until the end of the 20th century. Ordinary people dressed their new - born babies with simple white clothes until Samchilil (the 21st day) or Baekil (the 100thday) but, for these occasions, the royal family prepared clothes as formal as those for the $1^{st}$ birthday among the public. Rainbow-striped garments were more popular among the public than in the royal family. As rainbow colors were known to Korean people to dispel evil power and bring in fortunes, rainbow - striped garments were essential for the $1^{st}$ birthday and festive days. However, they were seldom used in ordinarytimes, and most boys and girls wore plain jackets and plain topcoats. When children's clothes in noble families were compared with royal family's ones, either handed down to the present or found in old literature, no significant difference was observed in the basic composition of everyday dress. In particular, it was found that Andong Kim's family had dressed their children with very formal dress such as Dopo and Sagyusam. Among children's clothes, the most gorgeous one was that worn on the $1^{st}$ birthday, and those for other occasions or festive days were similar or simpler. Colors, patterns and designs used in decorating children's clothes mostly had the meanings of seeking fortunes for children such as long life, wealth and prosperity.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.4
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• pp.43-55
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to investigate conservation and management methods of the Joseon Royal Tombs in the Middle District. Urbanization has damaged many of the original terrains as many buildings and facilities have entered the inner and outer area of Joseon Royal Tombs. Land purchase, relocation and demolition of the building are required for the recovery of the Royal Tombs area, and then it is necessary to recover the original terrain. In the case of land use and pathways, there were many land use which harmed the sacred atmosphere of the area, and many disconnection of the ritual circulation, they should be maintained to remind the sacred atmosphere of the royal tomb. The water system should be changed to natural type canal, and it is necessary to collect accurate information on the lost buildings and stoneworks through literature survey and excavation investigation, and then lead to the exposure or restoration of the ruins. Historical forests require periodic and ongoing monitoring and management, and it is necessary to establish a historical and cultural museum that can provide to visitors information about Joseon Royal Tombs. These works should be classified into short, medium and long-term projects with a long perspective to implement continuous and systematic projects.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.206-225
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• 2019

This paper examines the trade and development aspects of glass mirrors through the literature records of the Joseon Dynasty, and studies the characteristics of existing glass mirror crafts by referring to the terms and types shown in the literature. The glass mirror in the records had called western mirrors(西洋鏡, 洋鏡), glass mirrors(玻璃鏡, 玻瓈鏡), stone mirrors(石鏡), etc. Glass mirrors were imported mainly through trade with Russia and the Qing Dynasty since the 17th century and were banned from importation in the late Joseon Dynasty. These mirrors were something new that caused a great stirring in Joseon society in the 18th century, and in the 19th century, it grew larger as a commodity needed for everyday life, especially with trade with Japan. At that time, glass mirrors were used for various purposes, such as installing large glass at a store, which were not the standard mirror usage of confirming one's appearance. These mirrors surprised Koreans in Joseon who experienced them at Yanjing Liulichang(燕京 琉璃廠) in the 18th and 19th centuries. As a result, the demand for glass mirrors rapidly increased and quickly surpassed that of bronze mirrors. Consequentially, new crafts using glass mirrors instead of bronze mirrors in Joseon began to be produced and used after the 18th century. In particular, integrated flat boards of glass mirrors were developed as crafts used indoors. It was convenient to use the hair comb box, a long-time presence in Joseon society, with the bronze mirror. This kind of mirror remained apparent in various genre paintings, including the Taepyeong Seongsido(太平城市圖, 'A Thriving City in a Peaceful Era') collected the National Museum of Korea which reflect its populism of the times. Also, the Mirror Stand(鏡臺) used in the Qing Period was produced in Joseon, but there was a difference in the way of making the drawers and box shapes between two nations. On the other hand, the Face Mirror(面鏡) was made to look at the face. Various crafts made with the aesthetic sense of Joseon, such as the ox horn inlaying craft technique, were produced with auspicious designs. In the 19th century, glass mirrors were imported from European countries, such as France, Denmark, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom, however after the end of the 19th century Japanese crafts were popular. Glass mirrors, which were popular in the Meiji and Taisho eras of Japan, were imported and also the Mirror Screen(鏡屛) using large glass mirrors were used. In particular, the mirror screen had developed wood furniture since the previous time, which were used for banquets and large spaces, such as the drawing room, and were imported from China and Japan. In addition, the western architectural effect of attaching a mirror to the wall was also attempted to adjust the brightness of the space and introduce another image and scenery in the mirror. This was done at Deoksugung Palace's Seokjojeon.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.249-275
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• 2019

Gangneung farm song is important for the ritualistic labortheatricals. Especially, in the theatrical process program, the songsof weeding, such as Haksan Odokkteggi and Ssadae, were alsoincluded to represent the agricultural ritualistic prayer for goodharvest. The use of Gangneung farm song is attractive in termsofthe circumstances. There is no chance of success as a plan simplyfor local events. As a comprehensive art, Gangneung farmsongshould simultaneously revitalize locality, representability andglobality. In this context, three directions are suggested dependingon the development progress. The second direction to the thirddirection are mainly oriented toward government-local authoritycentered support, but, in particular, the third direction should aimtobe an open archive in which the public and the contents prosumercan participate. In the production of the traditional content, OSMUmust be endlessly recreated and spread through 'diversity' and'interrelationships'. The contents utilization was discussed based on the transmissiondetails and analysis evidence of Gangneung Haksan Odokttegi. Thediversification of the way of performing farm song and the folk songs that can induce interest were proposed. Furthermore, basedon the fact that 12 songs classified into 8 work types, there-creation of the contents that focus on the playful aspect of theperforming arts was also proposed. In addition to suggestingthedesirable discourse of the performance groups, the experienceprogram development, education, public relations andcommunication reinforcement based on the narrating principlesoffarm songs, and the development and execution of farmsongprograms based on the tradition and the event demands wereproposed. While mentioning the necessity of value creation, thevitality of performing arts skills that put emotion, imagination, fun, sympathy, and etc. on the original form and the model of farmsongs should be supplemented to Gangneung Haksan Odokttegi. The independent transmission aspect of Gangneung Arirangisalso positive. There are difficulties of reduction of traditionalitydueto the designation, standardized transmission, lack of developmentof voluntary performances, and demonstration-centeredtransmission. Narrowly, we focused on the education andvitalization directions in terms of the capacity building of theconservation council itself. By embodying the essential value of theagricultural literature that farm songs possess, it can bringimpression of all worlds, all lives, communication and sharing, anddraw inspiration from the humanistic view of the world andemotion. The reconstitution of agricultural heritage, theconstruction of a storytelling linked with the concrete objects suchas Beomil National Preceptor, Gulsansa, FlagpoleSupport(Dangganjiju), Seokcheon, Hakbawi rock, and etc., andtheestablishment of fusion type farm song museum were proposed. In terms of culture industry, we requested active support fromtheinstitutions including local governments and various farmsongstorytelling creation projects.