• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.170-181
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• 2011

This Research will explore the meaning indicated in the landscape meaning and feature of literary group culture, focusing in Gurujeong(九老亭: pavilion for nine elders) and Samgaeseokmun(三溪石門: stone gate in three valleys) located in Dundeok-myun, Imshil-gun, and will seek to understand the implications by studying the cultural landscape spread out in the area. The place where Gurojeong and Samgaeseokmun is located is the meeting point of the three valleys, Dunnam stream, Osu stream, and Yul stream, which is the main location to view the beautiful scenery, which has the nickname as the dwelling place of a celestial being. Especially, based on the description of old maps, "Samgae(three valleys)" and "Samgaeseokmun" possesses significance as a landmark and shows a characteristic feature of landscape structures of low hills. Dangugurohwe(丹丘九老會: nine elders gathering on the dwelling of a celestial being) originated from Hyangsangurohwe(香山九老會: gathering of nine elders on a fragrant mountain), where Baekgeoi(白居易) of China was one of the main people. This group was organized by nine elders over the age of 60 desiring to view the scenery of Doyeonmyeong. The group enhanced the literary spirit on the low hill, erecting a tower, and enjoying the beautiful scenery changing every season with scholars from the same region. This phenomenon seems to have been formed upon the positive response to gatherings of elders, which were prevalent in the Joseon Dynasty. If the internal idea pursued by the group was "longevity," the external idea pursued can be summarized as "the spirit the respect for the elders." Naming the groups as 'Dangudae(place where the celestial being lives), Guseondong(valley of seeking a celestial life), Bangjangsan(mountain of a high priest), and Daecheondae(place of communicating with God) was likely a device to introspect oneself and symbolize one's life process. Furthermore, the reason Samgaeseokmun, which is an imitation of Choi, Chiwon's work, was built near Soyocheo, was probably to yearn the celestial land and based on the desire to follow Choi, Chiwon, who was the most self-fulfilling being presumed to have become a celestial being by practicing the pursuit of freedom, escaping from the reality. After tracing the symbolizing meaning of the four letters carved in the left side of the stone wall of Dangudae, the conclusion that this place was not only a place for literary gatherings of the nine elders of Saseong(four families), but was a place where the celestial being dwelled could be inferred. Corresponding with Dangudae and Gurojeong, which are places where the order of human and nature is harmonized and where its meaning associated with the location intensifies, arouses strong bond, can be said to be the symbol of the traces of celestial beings where the spirits of attachment to a certain place is embedded. The acts performed in Dangugurohwe were those of traditional leisure including strolling, viewing the scenery, drinking, composing poems, and playing instruments, and sometimes listening to stories, tea ceremony, prayers, and fishing were added, which indicates that the gathering had a strong tendency towards pastoral and hermit life.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.67-95
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• 2018

Gyeong-san(經山) Jeong Won-yong(鄭元容, 1783~1873) passed the state examination in 1802(純祖 2), and he has been in office for about 70 years. Jeong Won-yong with excellent administrative ability, he was an important figure in the Sedo politics, and was recognized by many writers for his outstanding writings. Nevertheless, his research results are small. This paper studyed his literary theories as a preliminary to look at Jeong Won-yong's literature in general After examining the features of Jeong Won-yong, there were three main aspects. First, Jeong Won-yong had a negative view of imitation. In particular, he stressed that he should oppose the attitude of unconditionally following Go-in(古人) without considering his capabilities and express his intention. Second, Jeong Won-yong pursued Jin-ui(眞意) when he wrote a poem. He thought rather than think that it is important to decorate a poem, it is important that emotion is exposed to the poem in a natural way. And he tried to unfold his individuality in the poem without copying others. Because if he imitate someone else when he write a poem, it is hard to express his thinking. His negative view of imitation and he pursued Jin-ui(眞意) are closely related. Lastly, Jeong Won-yong considered records important. Jeong Won-yong's record spirit is deeply related to his government service life. Jeong Won-yong who had been in government service all his life, hoped his experience would help manage the country. That's why he thought records were very important. And through this recording behavior, he wanted to get help later on. So it seems that he left a vast works.

• Korea Real Estate Review
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.77-90
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• 2014

With the purpose of preventing improper development on the national land, the land development permission system which is performed from 2002 has meaning as a type of limiting the property right, but modification on the details of traditionally understood land ownership is inevitable. Also, releasing the development prohibit on the land not only stop in recovering the freedom for land development, but also can be interpretated as a cause of forming the land development right, therefore the purpose of this study is to develop this into a real right. When we look at the development activity permission as a form of limiting the property right, constitutional problems of basis for that limit and compensation demand can occur. However, that limit can be recovered or relieved through permitting the development activity, therefore the compensation problem can be solved. Due to the development activity permission system, the land development right was separated from the land ownership to be communalized, and now, the land ownership only has condition use right left and don't have the future condition change right in principle, therefore modifying the traditional concept of land ownership is inevitable. By the virtue of the land ownership authority, the land development permission system must have the property to separate the development right as the independent right to be authorized of its legitimacy. Without these properties, the land development permission system cannot satisfy the social necessity of the land development right and its discussion under the category of the land ownership limit theory can't be deviated. In the existing "Civil Law" or in the Land Regulation Law system, there are many difficulties and limits in generalizing the land development right as a real right. Therefore, it is considered that by establishing a social law idea of Framework Act on the Land to characterize the land right theory in the real right theory, the land development permission system or the development right theory should be studied and developed independently and systematically.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.407-434
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• 2018

This study took a look at the crossing the border into Liadong in the early Joseon Dynasty, which has nearly not been paid attention to in the history of the Buddhism in Korea, and the Chinese, Buddhist whereabouts of Monk Mangong and Jeokhyu, the periodical, Buddhist priests. Regarding the large-scale, Buddhist oppression measures of King Taejong in the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty and King Sejong, the Buddhist circle did not not respond helplessly, but, rather, it had made the resistance on its own way. Especially, the Naonghyegeum of Jogyeseonjong and the disciple affiliates of Taegobowu had stood out. The disciples of Bowu had mainly hit the Sinmungo or had advocated the self-purification of Buddhism. And the disciple affiliates of Naong either had reorganized the Buddhist circle with Muhak in the center or had opposed the suppression. And, by receiving the help of the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty, they had intended to protect the Buddhist circle, or they, also, crossed the border into Liadong. Although, while attempting the crossing the border into another territory, they were arrested like the sea ships, like Mangong of King Taejong and Jeokhyu of King Sejong, they succeeded in crossing the border into another territory, and they left the clear whereabouts in the Chinese, Buddhist circle. Mangong was one Buddhist monk among the 11 Buddhist monks who crossed the border into Liadong during the King Taejong. After crossing the border, Mangong had moved again from Beijing on a sea route and had settled for after going into a mountain in the Zen sect at the Tienchieh temple in Nanjing. Meanwhile, he had been close to the Joseon Dynasty, and he relocated to Mount Taishan, where there had been the history, thereby rebuilding the Chikurin Temple and the Buchauchan temple and widely publicizing the Buddhism. During the time of King Sejong, by crossing the border into Liadong together with a total of 10 Monks, including the Buddhist monks Shinnae, Shinhyu, Shindam, Hyeseon, Hongjeok, Haebi, Shinyeon, Honghye, Shinwun, etc., under the protection by the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty in Beijing, Jeokhyu went through Shanhaiguan and had moved to the Tienchieh Temple in Nanjing. Although their whereabouts can not be known, on the Guji Mountain in Beijing, Jeokhyu founded the Banyaseonsa Temple nearby the Ryeongamseonsa Temple, where the clergy and the laity of the Goryeo Dynasty had resided and, especially, where Naong and the disciples of Muhak etc. had stayed. As such, the Buddhist monks in the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty had either resisted the suppression by the country or crossed the border into another territory. Mangong and Jeokhyu of the times of King Taejong and King Sejong had led the Chinese, Buddhism circle, had rebuilt the Buddhist temples, and had contributed to the development of the Chinese Buddhism.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.41
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• pp.361-384
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• 2010

This paper focused on studies of Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") written by Lee Ik, also known as his honored name, Seong Ho(星湖). Seong Ho(星湖) also had left 10 types of exegetical commentary other than Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書"). The reason for choosing Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") was that the teachings of Kongzi(孔子) were contained in Noneo("論語"). Also when we understand the Analects of Kongzi(孔子) correctly, we will be able to understand other Confucian Canons accordingly. Seong Ho(星湖) recommended Zhuzi(朱子) pronounced Noneo Jipju ("論語集註") as a critical commentary on the Analects. That is because there are no writings that had considered pupils' opinions and all of the various situations as much as Noneo Jipju ("論語集註"). For this reason, Noneo Jipju ("論語集註") could play a role as an excellent text. However, it is not just quality of the book that matters. While reading the main body, there is an author's comment, saying "For now, I write down my skeptical point of view." With this short note, the author expressed that "Collected Annotation on the Analects" was not necessarily the best teaching. This is the consequence of 'doubt.' We should be skeptical about the Analects of Confucius. That is not to say that the Analects are unconditionally bad. Seong Ho(星湖) expounded that the beginning students should regard Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") as their textbook, but do not cling only to the disciplines elucidated in the book. Seong Ho(星湖) had written Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") in order to help people to understand Confucius correctly. Although this book was written during his early professional years, Seong Ho(星湖) had grasped the essence of teaching precisely. Then, what is the essence? That is 'Doubt.' Innate factors therein can be correctly understood through 'Doubt.' In this context, Seong Ho(星湖) had made such comment as "For now, I write down my skeptical point of view." To understand the opinions of Confucius correctly, this process that being doubtful about the text is necessary. The Analects of Confucius are just similar to a coded message. To know accurately about the code, it is necessary to start from 'Doubt' at the first. Such a "Doubt" shall be a key to decrypt the coded messages further.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.249-279
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• 2018

This paper analyzes the 'strategy' of Sunzi's art of war and verifies the modern application value of it by combining the 'strategy' of the art of war with modern enterprise management. The army adopts 'war strategy' with the aim of minimizing the loss and sacrifice caused by the war and winning in the shortest time. Enterprise aims to maximize profits at the lowest cost and adopt 'business strategy'. Three factors of art of war's strategic, the 'power', 'adaptation', 'trickery', are similar to the 'internal resources analysis', 'external environment analysis' and 'information management' of the modern enterprise's management. In the process of establishing strategic plan, the art of war emphasizes 'strategy of winning' including 'prophet', 'estimates' and 'maneuvering', in the modern enterprise management, 'prophet' is shown as 'competitor analysis' of the '3C analysis' and 'benchmarking learning'. 'Estimates' is shown as 'SWOT analysis' and '4P's analysis'. 'Maneuvering' is shown as 'market positioning strategy' and 'market preemption strategy'. In the stage of implementing the strategy, 'surprise attack strategy', 'strategy of void and actuality' and 'dividing and integrating strategy' of the art of war are shown as follows in modern enterprises ; 'Surprise attack strategy' is shown as 'differentiation strategy' and 'concentration strategy', 'Strategy of void and actuality' is shown as 'information management' and 'rational market positioning strategy'. 'Dividing and integrating strategy' is shown 'diversification strategy', 'concentration strategy', 'change management', 'basic competition strategy', 'synergy effect' and etc. In terms of strategic results, the 'victory of war' of the art or war is shown as 'competitive advantage' and 'maximization of profits' in modern enterprise management strategy. In a word, although there are different names and expressions between the strategy of Sunzi's art of war and modern enterprise, but their connotation is the same. We can see that the art of war which was written in about B.C.500, has left a high utilization value for modern enterprise in rapid environmental change and intense competition.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.263-297
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• 2010

The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.495-524
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• 2018

This study investigated the literary theory of Jang Jiyeon and his compilation consciousness of the historical biography, and based on this, the study examined the aspect and characteristic of the personage adoption of "Ilsayusa". To figure out the characteristic of "Ilsayusa", this study attempted to investigate the Jang Jiyeon's cognition on epic literature first. Jang Jiyeon had interest in the historical biography in his early days. But he clearly expressed the negative position about the novels which had been handed down from old times, mentioning about their harmful effect, even though they were in a big popularity. The good readings he thought was supposed to be helpful for person's work, study, personality and even the custom, so it is thought that the compilation of "Ilsayusa" was planned as a part of a usefulness to help readers' actual lives by summarizing Jang Jiyeon's philosophy as the form of a historical biography of personages who had actually existed. The direct motivation and the awareness of the problem to compile "Ilsayusa" could be confirmed by the postscript he left. Pointing that Joseon's policy of appointing persons of ability resulted in the loss of the nation, Jang Jiyeon paid attention to the classical scholars from low class, people from under middle class and the local figures in Hamgyeongdo and Pyeongando in the process of compiling "Ilsayusa". Along with this, a kind of a sense of duty that the old heritage must be examined by descendents was manifested as the compilation of "Ilsayusa". Through this, Jang Jiyeon tried to show the good model to the readers of "Ilsayusa" what the way of living would be for raising their volition and keeping the fundamentals. The tendency and characteristic of compiling personages in "Ilsayusa" could be sorted in a few ways as written below. First, it includes all kinds of all actually existed episodes while he was collecting various historical biographies published before. Second, it includes the new kinds of personages paying particular attention to figures of middle class and commoners. Third, it compiled the female figures in a great volume and described new model of woman. Fourth, for areas, it has episodes of all areas in the nation including Pyeongando and Hamgyeongdo. Thinking about all the discussion above, we could estimate that "Ilsayusa" is the definitive edition of these kinds of books which inherited all performances of the biographical literature in better way, which had been accomplished in 19th century.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.203-228
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• 2009

ChaeHo Shin's major interests were in the ancient history, among other periods of the Korean history. Shin's depiction of history is characterized by having nation in the heart of history, whose tendency of nationalism was purposefully strong. In general, the nationalism of those times was emphasizing a 'strong' nation, just as in the case of Shin's theory, and at the same time stood for the theory of social evolution with a view to raising the nation in the front line of history. The nationalism, in association with the theory of social evolution, ended up having a propensity that criticizes imperialism on the one hand, and envies it on the other. This inclination is literally shown in Doksasillon (A New Guide to Reading History), which is ChaeHo Shin's research on the ancient history. Doksasillon is a historical essay that was published serially in 50 installments from August 27th through December 13th in 1908. Unlike the existing views in the late 1900s on the ancient history, among other ages of the Korean history, Doksasillon can be called a treatise with a focus on nation. Doksasillon is an incomplete study which can be divided into two parts, introduction and ancient times that is the first volume. It, nevertheless, shows the aspect of a powerful nation activist who tried to surmount the life-and-death crisis of nation by 'recalling' the nation in the period of the late-Joseon and the Korean empire in 1908 and 'rediscovering' the territory. It also reflects a slice of a historian's anguish that attempted to cope with the national crisis by virtue of the 'power' of history. It is ChaeHo Shin who 'rediscovered' the Buyeo tribe as the mainstream of the ancient history of Korea, and recomposed and materialized the ancient history. Shin chose the 'Buyeo tribe' as a principal race, and used it as a representative of the Korean nation in the ancient era, which was because Buyeo and Goguryeo were the strongest. The emphasis laid on the powerful nation in the history of Korea well reflects the efforts of a powerful nation activist in the age of the late-Joseon, and on the other hand, it shows how nationalism came to be formed in Korea. ChaeHo Shin is regarded as a person who lived in the age in which nationalism, which underscores the homogeneity of a nation, had to be stressed as a sole weapon for a nation who was left behind in modernization and whose rights were disseized. Dosasillon shows a process of reconstructing the history of DanKun and the Buyeo tribe and unearthing a hero who was valued as a savior of the nation, which was the reason that ChaeHo Shin wrote a history.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.91-116
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• 2012

Writing is a process and work of expressing one's own feelings and thoughts that are not contained in rigid forms; however, the literary trend and environment during the Late Joseon was not so tolerant. A revivalist approach to writing was dominant during this period, which was summarized in the expression that "Prose must be written in the style of Qin and Han; and Poetry in that of High Tang. "Hence, it was practically a taboo to express one's raw emotions and disregard the custom and regulations of writing. Nevertheless, literati, who got tired of the dogmatic rule of Neo-Confucianism at the time that refused to see the changing world and the pseudo-archaic writing that merely imitated the outside and was empty inside, attempted new styles of writing to escape from the model or example and what was familiar. Lee Yong-hyu, who was in the middle of such transformations, learned the trends of Late Ming and Early Qing through the newly imported Chinese books and created his own style that reflected his personality. His writings refused the Neo-Confucian system of thoughts, which was a dominant ideology of the time, paid attention to the human nature and emphasized the restoration of the self. His writing could be described as being anti-pseudo-archaic and criticized the pretentious trend of the time. He argued that in order to restore the true self, one must recover the innocent mind that was bestowed on human by heaven/nature (cheon-li, 天理), and for this purpose, one must straighten out one's mind (sim, 心). His argument is similar to that of "Yangming School of Mind," which could be represented by the phrase, "Mind is the Principle (心卽理)." Yangming School claimed that moral principle existed within one's mind; and this was in stark contrast with the Neo-Confucian idea that "principle (li)"was external and transcendent, and was spoken by the great Confucian masters and written down in Confucian Classics. By denying the externality of the principle and underscoring its immanence, the idea that centralized Confucian Classics and canons was dismantled. Lee Yong-hyu's writing styles that denied the model and emphasized the restoration of the self was influenced by such thoughts. However, one must neither hastily judge that he is an advocate of Yangming School of Mind, nor determine the anti-pseudo-archaic writers' ideological basis as the philosophy of Yangming School. Once it is rigidly defined, be it Zhu Xi's philosophy or Wang Yangming's philosophy, it becomes another model that one must abide by, and again the self disappears. Thus, Lee Yong-hyu defied any kind of model that claimed authenticity or precedence and wished that people would live independently as oneself, and left such claims and wishes in writing. That is the reason, after more than two hundred years later, we still read his writings.