• Title/Summary/Keyword: Lee Sam

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The Effect and Safety of Alveolar Recruitment Maneuver using Pressure-Controlled Ventilation in Acute Lung Injury and Acute Respiratory Distress Syndrome (급성폐손상과 급성호흡곤란증후군 환자에서 압력조절환기법을 이용한 폐포모집술의 효과와 안정성)

  • Chung, Kyung Soo;Park, Byung Hoon;Shin, Sang Yun;Jeon, Han Ho;Park, Seon Cheol;Kang, Shin Myung;Park, Moo Suk;Han, Chang Hoon;Kim, Chong Ju;Lee, Sun Min;Kim, Se Kyu;Chang, Joon;Kim, Sung Kyu;Kim, Young Sam
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.63 no.5
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    • pp.423-429
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    • 2007
  • Background: Alveolar recruitment (RM) is one of the primary goals of respiratory care for an acute lung injury (ALI) and acute respiratory distress syndrome (ARDS). The purposes of alveolar recruitment are an improvement in pulmonary gas exchange and the protection of atelectrauma. This study examined the effect and safety of the alveolar RM using pressure control ventilation (PCV) in early ALI and ARDS patients. Methods: Sixteen patients with early ALI and ARDS who underwent alveolar RM using PCV were enrolled in this study. The patients data were recorded at the baseline, and 20 minutes, and 60 minutes after alveolar RM, and on the next day after the maneuver. Alveolar RM was performed with an inspiratory pressure of $30cmH_2O$ and a PEEP of $20cmH_2O$ in a 2-minute PCV mode. The venous $O_2$ saturation, central venous pressure, blood pressure, pulse rate, $PaO_2/FiO_2$ ratio, PEEP, and chest X-ray findings were obtained before and after alveolar RM. Results: Of the 16 patients, 3 had extra-pulmonary ALI/ARDS and the remaining 13 had pulmonary ALI/ARDS. The mean PEEP was 11.3 mmHg, and the mean $PaO_2/FiO_2$ ratio was 130.3 before RM. The $PaO_2/FiO_2$ ratio increased by 45% after alveolar RM. The $PaO_2/FiO_2$ ratio reached a peak 60 minutes after alveolar RM. The Pa$CO_2$ increased by 51.9 mmHg after alveolar RM. The mean blood pressure was not affected by alveolar RM. There were no complications due to pressure injuries such as a pneumothorax, pneumomediastinum, and subcutaneous emphysema. Conclusion: In this study, alveolar RM using PCV improved the level of oxygenation in patients with an acute lung injury and acute respiratory distress syndrome. Moreover, there were no significant complications due to hemodynamic changes and pressure injuries. Therefore, alveolar RM using PCV can be applied easily and safely in clinical practice with lung protective strategy in early ALI and ARDS patients.

Lodging-Tolerant, High Yield, Mechanized-Harvest Adaptable and Small Seed Soybean Cultivar 'Aram' for Soy-sprout (내도복 다수성 기계수확 적응 소립 나물용 콩 '아람')

  • Kang, Beom Kyu;Kim, Hyun Tae;Ko, Jong Min;Yun, Hong Tai;Lee, Young Hoon;Seo, Jeong Hyun;Jung, Chan Sik;Shin, Sang Ouk;Oh, Eun Yeong;Kim, Hong Sik;Oh, In Seok;Baek, In Youl;Oh, Jae Hyun;Seo, Min Jeong;Yang, Woo Sam;Kim, Dong Kwan;Gwak, Do Yeon
    • Korean Journal of Breeding Science
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    • v.51 no.3
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    • pp.214-221
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    • 2019
  • 'Aram' is a soybean cultivar developed for soy-sprout. It was developed from the crossing of 'Bosug' (Glycine max IT213209) and 'Camp' (G. max IT267356) cultivars in 2007. F1 plants and F2 population were developed in 2009 and 2010. A promising line was selected in the F5 generation in 2011 using the pedigree method and it was evaluated for agronomic traits, yield, and soy-sprouts characteristics in a preliminary yield trial (PYT) in 2012 and an advanced yield trial (AYT) in 2013. Agronomic traits and yield were stable between 2014 and 2016 in the regional yield trial (RYT) in four regions (Suwon, Naju, Dalseong, and Jeju). Morphological characteristics of 'Aram' are as follows: determinate plant type, purple flowers, grey pubescence, yellow pods, and small, yellow, and spherical seeds (9.9 g 100-seeds-1) with a light brown hilum. The flowering date was the 5th of August and the maturity date was the 15th of October. Plant height, first pod height, number of nods, number of branches, and number of pods were 65 cm, 13 cm, 16, 4.5, and 99, respectively. In the sprout test, germination rate and sprout characteristics of 'Aram' were comparable to that of the 'Pungsannamulkong' cultivar. The yield of 'Aram' was 3.59 ton ha-1 and it was 12% higher than that of 'Pungsannamulkong' in southern area of Korea. The yield of 'Aram' in the Jeju region, which is the main region for soybean sprout production, was 20% higher than that of 'Pungsannamulkong'. The height of the first pod and the tolerance to lodging and pod shattering, which are connected to the adaptation to mechanized harvesting, were higher in 'Aram' compared to those in 'Pungsannamulkong'. Therefore, the 'Aram' cultivar is expected to be broadly cultivated because of its higher soybean sprout quality, and seed yield and better adaptation to mechanized harvesting. (Registration number: 7718)

Radiation Dose-escalation Trial for Glioblastomas with 3D-conformal Radiotherapy (3차원 입체조형치료에 의한 아교모세포종의 방사선 선량증가 연구)

  • Cho, Jae-Ho;Lee, Chang-Geol;Kim, Kyoung-Ju;Bak, Jin-Ho;Lee, Se-Byeoung;Cho, Sam-Ju;Shim, Su-Jung;Yoon, Dok-Hyun;Chang, Jong-Hee;Kim, Tae-Gon;Kim, Dong-Suk;Suh, Chang-Ok
    • Radiation Oncology Journal
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    • v.22 no.4
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    • pp.237-246
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    • 2004
  • Purpose: To investigate the effects of radiation dose-escalation on the treatment outcome, complications and the other prognostic variables for glioblastoma patients treated with 3D-conformal radiotherapy (3D-CRT). Materials and Methods: Between Jan 1997 and July 2002, a total of 75 patients with histologically proven diagnosis of glioblastoma were analyzed. The patients who had a Karnofsky Performance Score (KPS) of 60 or higher, and received at least 50 Gy of radiation to the tumor bed were eligible. All the patients were divided into two arms; Arm 1, the high-dose group was enrolled prospectively, and Arm 2, the low-dose group served as a retrospective control. Arm 1 patients received $63\~70$ Gy (Median 66 Gy, fraction size $1.8\~2$ Gy) with 3D-conformal radiotherapy, and Arm 2 received 59.4 Gy or less (Median 59.4 Gy, fraction size 1.8 Gy) with 2D-conventional radiotherapy. The Gross Tumor Volume (GTV) was defined by the surgical margin and the residual gross tumor on a contrast enhanced MRI. Surrounding edema was not included in the Clinical Target Volume (CTV) in Arm 1, so as to reduce the risk of late radiation associated complications; whereas as in Arm 2 it was included. The overall survival and progression free survival times were calculated from the date of surgery using the Kaplan-Meier method. The time to progression was measured with serial neurologic examinations and MRI or CT scans after RT completion. Acute and late toxicities were evaluated using the Radiation Therapy Oncology Group neurotoxicity scores. Results: During the relatively short follow up period of 14 months, the median overall survival and progression free survival times were $15{\pm}1.65$ and $11{\pm}0.95$ months, respectively. The was a significantly longer survival time for the Arm 1 patients compared to those in Arm 2 (p=0.028). For Arm 1 patients, the median survival and progression free survival times were $21{\pm}5.03$ and $12{\pm}1.59$ months, respectively, while for Arm 2 patients they were $14{\pm}0.94$ and $10{\pm}1.63$ months, respectively. Especially in terms of the 2-year survival rate, the high-dose group showed a much better survival time than the low-dose group; $44.7\%$ versus $19.2\%$. Upon univariate analyses, age, performance status, location of tumor, extent of surgery, tumor volume and radiation dose group were significant factors for survival. Multivariate analyses confirmed that the impact of radiation dose on survival was independent of age, performance status, extent of surgery and target volume. During the follow-up period, complications related directly with radiation, such as radionecrosis, has not been identified. Conclusion: Using 3D-conformal radiotherapy, which is able to reduce the radiation dose to normal tissues compared to 2D-conventional treatment, up to 70 Gy of radiation could be delivered to the GTV without significant toxicity. As an approach to intensify local treatment, the radiation dose escalation through 3D-CRT can be expected to increase the overall and progression free survival times for patients with glioblastomas.

Soil properties in Panax ginseng nursury by parent rock (모암별 인삼묘포지의 토양특성에 관한 연구)

  • Min, Ell-Sik;Park, Gwan-Soo;Song, Suck-Hwan;Lee, Sam-Woong
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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    • v.30 no.1
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    • pp.31-40
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    • 2003
  • A research has been done for growing characteristics of Korean ginseng in Geumsan of Chungnam Province. It had been made to determine the transitional element concentrations of the rocks, divided by biotitic granite(GR) and phyllite(PH). The physical and chemical properties of their weathering soils and ginseng nursery soils were analyzed. The texture in the GR weathering and ginseng nursery soils were sandy clay, and the texture of the PH weathering and ginseng nursery soils were heavy or silty clay. The bulk densities of the GR and PH weathering soils were $1.21{\sim}1.32g/cm^3$ and $1.26{\sim}1.38g/cm^3$, respectively. Also, the bulk densities of the GR and PH ginseng nursery soils were $1.02{\sim}1.10g/cm^3$, respectively. The pH (4.80) of the GR weathering soil were lower than the pH of the PH(5.34) weathering soil. The pH in the 2 year and 4 year-ginseng nursery soil of the GR were 4.39 and 4.40. In addition, those of the PH were 5.24 and 5.34, respectively. The difference in pH of the two nursery soils could be from the pH difference between the two parent materials. The organic matter contents of the GR weathering soils(0.24%) were higher than those of the PH(1.02%) weathering soils. The organic matter of the 2 and 4 year-ginseng GR nursery soils were 0.87% and 1.52%, and of the PH nursery soils were 2.06% and 2.96%, respectively. The total nitrogen contents of the GR weathering soils were 259.43ppm and of the PH weathering soils were 657.22ppm. Those of 2 and 4 year-ginseng GR nursery soils were 588.04ppm and 657.22ppm and those of the PH nursery soils were 1037.72ppm and 1227.96ppm, respectively. The nitrate and ammonium contents of the GR weathering soils were the extremely small, and those of the PH weathering soils were 6.7ppm and 9.94ppm. Those of 2 year-ginseng GR nursery soils(223.09ppm and 26.96ppm) were higher than those of PH(19.46ppm and 8.23ppm) nursery soils. And those of 2 year-ginseng PH nursery soils(14.22ppm and 16.84ppm) were lower than those of PH(306.93ppm, 34.21ppm) nursery soils. The difference was due to fertilizer types and more deposits of nitrate after oxidation of ammonium. The phosphate contents of the GR and PH weathering soils were 14.41ppm and 38.60ppm. Those of GR 2 and 4 year-ginseng nursery soils were 46.89ppm and 102.44ppm and those of the PH nursery soils were 147.04ppm and 38.60ppm. The cation exchange capacities of the GR weathering soils were 12.34me/100g and those of the PH weathering soils were 15.40me/100g. Those of 2 and 4 year-ginseng GR nursery soils were 15.80me/100g and 7.70me/100g and those of PH nursery soils were 12.14me/100g and 12.83me/100g. All of exchangeable cation($K^+$, $Ca^{2+}$, $Mg^{2+}$, $Na^+$) contents in the nursery soils were higher than those in the weathering soils. The $SO_4{^2-}$ contents of the weathering soils in both of the GR(5.98ppm) and PH(9.94ppm) were higher than those of the GR and PH ginseng nursery soils. The $Cl^-$) contents of the GR and PH weathering soils were a very small and those of the nursery soils(2-yr GR: 39.06ppm, 4-yr GR: 273.43ppm, 2-yr PH: 66.41ppm, 4-yr PH: 406.24ppm) were high because of fertilizer inputs.

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Comparison of One-day and Two-day Protocol of $^{11}C$-Acetate and $^{18}F$-FDG Scan in Hepatoma (간암환자에 있어서 $^{11}C$-Acetate와 $^{18}F$-FDG PET/CT 검사의 당일 검사법과 양일 검사법의 비교)

  • Kang, Sin-Chang;Park, Hoon-Hee;Kim, Jung-Yul;Lim, Han-Sang;Kim, Jae-Sam;Lee, Chang-Ho
    • The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
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    • v.14 no.2
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    • pp.3-8
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    • 2010
  • Purpose: $^{11}C$-Acetate PET/CT is useful in detecting lesions that are related to livers in the human body and leads to a sensitivity of 87.3%. On the other hand, $^{18}F$-FDG PET/CT has a sensitivity of 47.3% and it has been reported that if both $^{18}F$-FDG and $^{11}C$-Acetate PET/CT are carried out together, their cumulative sensitivity is around 100%. However, the normal intake of the pancreas and the spleen in $^{11}C$-Acetate PET/CT can influence the $^{18}F$-FDG PET/CT leading to an inaccurate diagnosis. This research was aimed at the verification of the usefulness of how much influence these two radioactive medical supplies can cause on the medical images through comparative analysis between the one-day and two-day protocol. Materials and Methods: This research was carried out based on 46 patients who were diagnosed with liver cancer and have gone through the PET/CT (35 male, 11 female participants, average age: $54{\pm}10.6$ years, age range: 29-69 years). The equipment used for this test was the Biograph TruePoint40 PET/CT (Siemens Medical Systems, USA) and 21 participants who went through the one-day protocol test were first given the $^{11}C$-Acetate PET/CT and the $^{18}F$-FDG PET/CT, the latter exactly after one hour. The other 25 participants who went through the two-day protocol test were given the $^{11}C$-Acetate PET/CT on the first day and the $^{18}F$-FDG PET/CT on the next day. These two groups were then graded comparatively by assigning identical areas of interest of the pancreas and the spleen in the $^{18}F$-FDG images and by measuring the Standard Uptake Value (SUV). SPSS Ver.17 (SPSS Inc., USA) was used for statistical analysis, where statistical significance was found through the unpaired t-test. Results: After analyzing the participants' medical images from each of the two different protocol types, the average${\pm}$standard deviation of the SUV of the pancreas carried out under the two-day protocol were as follows: head $1.62{\pm}0.32$ g/mL, body $1.57{\pm}0.37$ g/mL, tail $1.49{\pm}0.33$ g/mL and the spleen $1.53{\pm}0.28$ g/mL. Whereas, the results for participants carried out under the one-day protocol were as follows: head $1.65{\pm}0.35$ g/mL, body $1.58{\pm}0.27$ g/mL, tail $1.49{\pm}0.28$ g/mL and the spleen $1.66{\pm}0.29$ g/mL. Conclusion: It was found that no statistical significant difference existed between the one-day and two-day protocol SUV in the pancreas and the spleen (p<0.05), and nothing which could be misconceived as false positive were found from the PET/CT medical image analysis. From this research, it was also found that no overestimation of the SUV occurred from the influence of $^{11}C$-Acetate on the $^{18}F$-FDG medical images where those two tests were carried out for one day. This result was supported by the statistical significance of the SUV of measurement. If $^{11}C$-Acetate becomes commercialized in the future, the diagnostic ability of liver diseases can be improved by $^{18}F$-FDG and one-day protocol. It is from this result where tests can be accomplished in one day without the interference phenomenon of the two radioactive medical supplies and furthermore, could reduce the waiting time improving customer satisfaction.

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Usefulness of Stomach Extension after Drinking Orange Juice in PET/CT Whole Body Scan (PET/CT 전신 영상에서 오렌지 주스(Orange Juice)를 이용한 위장 확장 영상의 유용성)

  • Cho, Seok-Won;Chung, Seok;Oh, Shin-Hyun;Park, Hoon-Hee;Kim, Jae-Sam;Lee, Chang-Ho
    • The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
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    • v.13 no.1
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    • pp.86-92
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    • 2009
  • Purpose: The PET/CT has a clear distinction on the lesion of the functional image by adding anatomical information. It also could reduce the examination time using CT data as the attenuation-correction. When the stomach was contracted from a fast, it could bring a misinterpretation of the cancer of the lesion with a presence of physiological $^{18}F$-FDG uptake in stomach and it occasionally would bring an additional scan to confirm. To complement this shortcoming, the method that the patients had water before the examination to extend the stomach had been attempted. However, a short excretion time of the stomach did not give sufficiently extended image of the stomach. Then the patients had additional water and had the examination again. Therefore, the noticed fact is that the stomach excretion time depends on calories, protein content, and the level of carbohydrate. In this study, we use an orange juice to evaluate the extension of the stomach and usefulness of it. Materials and Methods: PET/CT scan were obtained on total 150 of patient from February 2008 to October2008, There were 3 groups in this study and each group had 50 patients. First group drank nothing, Second group drank water and third group drank orange juice. The patients (man 25, female 25) not drinking are the age of 30~71 years old (average: 54), the patients (man: 25, female: 25) drinking water (400 cc) are the age of 28~71 years old (average: 54) and the patients (man: 25, female: 25) drinking orange juice (400 cc) are the age of 32~74 years old (average: 56). The patients were fasted in 6-8 hours before the test, the patients were not diabetic. $^{18}F$-FDG 370~555 MBq were injected intravenously. The patients were in stable position for 1 hour, than the image was obtained. The patients drank water and other patients drank orange juice before Whole body scan. The image scan started from mid-femur to skull base. The emission scan acquired for three minutes per bed and the images were reconstructed. Stomach extension analysis is measured from vertical and horizontal length. Results: Stomach Extension was described as the vertical length of the Non Drink Group was $1.20{\pm}0.50\;cm$, horizontal length was $1.4{\pm}0.53\;cm$, the vertical length of the Water Drink Group was $1.67{\pm}0.63\;cm$, horizontal length was $1.65{\pm}0.77\;cm$, the vertical length of Orange juice Drink Group was $3.48{\pm}0.77\;cm$, horizontal length was $3.66{\pm}0.77\;cm$ in coronal image. Stomach Extension was described the vertical length of the Non Drink Group was $2.03{\pm}0.62\;cm$, horizontal length was $1.69{\pm}0.68\;cm$, the vertical length of Water Drink Group was $5.34{\pm}1.62\;cm$, horizontal length was $2.45{\pm}0.72\;cm$, the vertical length of Orange juice Drink Group was $7.74{\pm}1.62\;cm$, horizontal length was $3.57{\pm}0.77\;cm$ in transverse image. The Stomach Extension has specific differences (p<0.001). The SUVs shows the Non Drink Group were measured as Liver $2.52{\pm}0.42$, Lung $0.51{\pm}0.14$, the Water Drink Group were measured as Liver $2.47{\pm}0.38$, Lung $0.50{\pm}0.14$, Orange juice Drink Group were measured as Liver $2.47{\pm}0.38$, Lung $0.50{\pm}0.14$. The SUVs did not have specific differences (p>0.759). Conclusions: There was not a large difference of SUV in three groups. When the patients drank Orange juice and water, the range extension of stomach was higher than without drinking nothing and it was possible to acquire fully extended images. Therefore, it will be possible that unnecessary additional stomach scans will be reduced by drinking orange juice before the examination so that the patients' claim from uncomfortable and long period of fast will be minimized.

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Food Components of Wild and Cultured Fresh Water Fishes (천연 및 양식산 담수어의 식품성분)

  • KIM Kyung-Sam;LEE Eung-Ho
    • Korean Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences
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    • v.19 no.3
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    • pp.195-211
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    • 1986
  • The object of this study is to obtain fundamental data on cultured fishes produced in Korea to improve their food components. For this purpose, the food components of cultured fresh water fishes such as eel, Anguilla japonica, snakehead, Channa argus, and common carp, Cyprinus carpio, were investigated and compared with those of the wild ones. The results obtained are summarized as follows: 1. Common characteristics in the proximate composition were that wild fish was higher in crude protein content and lower in crude lipid content than those of cultured one. 2. Among the 9 kinds of minerals analyzed in all the samples, sodium, potassium, calcium and magnesium contents were absolutely predominant being more than $99.52\%$. These four elements in feedstuff also occupied $99.68{\sim}99.92%$ of total minerals. 3. The neutral lipids of wild and cultured eel, snakehead and common carp occupied $55.7{\sim}95.8%$ of lipid fractions, while the content of the phospholipids in snakehead was particularly higher than those of others. 4. The neutral lipids of wild and cultured eel, snakehead and common carp mainly consisted of triglycerides ($85{\sim}95%$), and a little quantity of diglycerides, monoglycerides, free sterol ester and hydrocarbon were also identified in the neutral lipid. 5. The phospolipids of eel and common carp were mainly occupied by phosphatidyl choline ($71.3{\sim}83.9%$), followed by phosphatidyl ethanolamine ($12.1{\sim}23.5%$) and phosphatidyl serine ($7.5{\sim}13.8%$). The phospholipids of snakhead consisted of phosphatidyl choline ($50.7{\sim}64.5%$), phosphatidyl ethanolamine ($28.0{\sim}35.5%$) and phosphatidyl serine ($7.5{\sim}13.8%$). Generally, phosphatidyl choline content was higher in wild fish than in cultured one, while phosphatidyl ethanolamine and phosphatidyl serine contents were higher in cultured one. 6. The major fatty acids in total lipid of wild eel, snakehead and common carp were $C_{16:0}\;and\;C_{20:5}$, while those in cultured ones were $C_{18:1},\;C_{18:2}\;and\;C_{22:6}$. The fatty acid composition of neutral lipids showed similar tendency to that of total lipid, and the main fatty acids in phospholipids of cultured fishes were $C_{18:1}\;and\;C_{18:2}$. In glycolipids, $C_{20:5}\;and\;C_{22:6}$ were higher in wild fishes, while $C_{18:2}$ were higher in cultured ones. 7. Total amino acids contents of wild and cultured eel were nearly the same, being $16.65\%$ ana $15.99\%$ respectively. The major amino acids of wild and cultured fish were glutamic acid, leucine, aspartic acid and lysine in order. In snakehead, the contents of aspartic acid and proline in cultured fish were higher than those in wild one, while the contents of glutamic acid, alanine, glycine were higher in the wild one. Total amino acid content of cultured common carp was $21.7\%$ compared with $17.08\%$ in wild one. The contents of glutamic acid, aspartic acid, glycine, proline and alanine occupied higher quantities in cultured common carp compared with those in wild one while the other amino acids revealed no significant difference. 8. Aspartic acid in free amino acids of cultured eel held $1.0\%$ of total free amino acids, while that in wild eel held $2.9\%$. Histidine, arginine and tyrosine content of cultured fish were two times higher than those of wild one. But free amino acid composition of samples seemed to be no marked differences according to cultured places. The contents of arginine, aspartic acid, glutamic acid, methionine and phenylalanine of snakehead ware higher in wild one than in cultured one, while the contents of lysine, histidine, glycine, and alanine ware higher in cultured one. In free amino acids content of wild common carp, histidine, glycine and lysine occupied $76.9\%$ of total free amino acids. Lysine, histidine, aspartic acid, alanine, valine and leucine were higher in wild one compared with those of cultured one, while glycine and tyrosine contents were higher in cultured fish.

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A Comparative Study on Buddhist Painting, MokWooDo (牧牛圖: PA Comparative Study on Buddhist Painting, MokWooDo (牧牛圖: Painting of Bull Keeping) and Confucian/Taoist Painting, SipMaDo (十馬圖: Painting of Ten Horses) - Focused on SimBeop (心法: Mind Control Rule) of the Three Schools: Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism -nd Control Rule) of the Three Schools: Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism - (불가(佛家) 목우도(牧牛圖)와 유·도(儒·道) 십마도(十馬圖) 비교 연구 - 유불도(儒佛道) 삼가(三家)의 심법(心法)을 중심으로 -)

  • Park, So-Hyun;Lee, Jung-Han
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.40 no.4
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    • pp.67-80
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    • 2022
  • SipWooDo (十牛圖: Painting of Ten Bulls), a Buddhist painting, is a kind of Zen Sect Buddhism painting, which is shown as a mural in many of main halls of Korean Buddhist temples. MokWooDo has been painted since Song Dynasty of China. It paints a cow, a metaphor of mind and a shepherd boy who controls the cow. It comes also with many other types of works such as poetry called GyeSong, HwaWoonSi and etc. That is, it appeared as a pan-cultural phenomenon beyond ideology and nation not limited to Chinese Buddhist ideology of an era. This study, therefore, selects MokWooDo chants that represent Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism to compare the writing purposes, mind discipline methods and ultimate goals of such chant literatures in order to integrate and comprehend the ideologies of such three schools in the ideologically cultural aspect, which was not fully dealt with in the existing studies. In particular, the study results are: First, the SipWooDo of Buddhist School is classified generally into Bo Myoung's MokWooDo and Kwak Ahm's SimWooDo (尋牛圖: Painting of Searching out a Bull). Zen Sect Buddhism goes toward nirvana through enlightenment. Both MokWooDo and SimWooDo of Buddhist School are the discipline method of JeomSu (漸修: Discipline by Steps). They were made for SuSimJeungDo (修心證道: Enlightenment of Truth by Mind Discipline), which appears different in HwaJe (畫題: Titles on Painting) and GyeSong (偈頌: Poetry Type of Buddhist Chant) between Zen Sect Buddhism and Doctrine Study Based Buddhism, which are different from each other in viewpoints. Second, Bo Myoung's MokWooDo introduces the discipline processes from MiMok (未牧: Before Tamed) to JinGongMyoYu (眞空妙有: True Vacancy is not Separately Existing) of SsangMin (雙泯: the Level where Only Core Image Appears with Every Other Thing Faded out) that lie on the method called BangHalGiYong (棒喝機用: a Way of Using Rod to Scold). On the other side, however, it puts its ultimate goal onto the way to overcome even such core image of SsangMin. Third, Kwak Ahm's SimWooDo shows the discipline processes of JeomSu from SimWoo (尋牛: Searching out a Bull) to IpJeonSuSu (入鄽垂手: Entering into a Place to Exhibit Tools). That is, it puts its ultimate goal onto HwaGwangDongJin (和光同塵: Harmonized with Others not Showing your own Wisdom) where you are going together with ordinary people by going up to the level of 'SangGuBori (上求菩提: Discipline to Go Up to Gain Truth) and HaHwaJungSaeng (下化衆生: Discipline to Go Down to Be with Ordinary People)' through SaGyoIpSeon (捨敎入禪: Entering into Zen Sect Buddhism after Completing a Certain Volume of Doctrine Study), which are working for leading the ordinary people of all to finding out their Buddhist Nature. Fourth, Shimiz Shunryu (清水春流)'s painting YuGaSipMaDo (儒家十馬圖: Painting of Ten Horses of Confucian School) borrowed Bo Myoung's MokWooDo. That is, it borrowed the terms and pictures of Buddhist School. However, it features 'WonBulIpYu (援佛入儒: Enlightenment of Buddhist Nature by Confucianism)', which is based on the process of becoming a greatly wise person through Confucian study to go back to the original good nature. From here, it puts its goal onto becoming a greatly wise person, GunJa who is completely harmonized with truth, through the study of HamYang (涵養: Mind Discipline by Widening Learning and Intelligence) that controls outside mind to make the mind peaceful. Its ultimate goal is in accord with "SangCheonJiJae, MuSeongMuChee (上天之載, 無聲無臭: Heaven Exists in the Sky Upward; It is Difficult to Get the Truth of Nature, which has neither sound nor smell)' words from Zhōngyōng. Fifth, WonMyeongNhoYin (圓明老人)'s painting SangSeungSuJinSamYo (上乘修真三要: Painting of Three Essential Things to Discipline toward Truth) borrowed Bo Myoung's MokWooDo while it consists of totally 13 sheets of picture to preach the painter's will and preference. That is, it features 'WonBulIpDo (援佛入道: Following Buddha to Enter into Truth)' to preach the painter's doctrine of Taoism by borrowing the pictures and poetry type chants of Buddhist School. Taoism aims to become a miraculously powerful Taoist hermit who never dies by Taoist healthcare methods. Therefore, Taoists take the mind discipline called BanHwanSimSeong (返還心性: Returning Back to Original Mind Nature), which makes Taoists go ultimately toward JaGeumSeon (紫金仙) that is the original origin by changing into a saint body that is newly conceived with the vital force of TaeGeuk abandoning the existing mind and body fully. This is a unique feature of Taoism, which puts its ultimate goal onto the way of BeopShinCheongJeong (法身淸淨: Pure and Clean Nature of Buddha) that is in accord with JiDoHoiHong (至道恢弘: Getting to Wide and Big Truth).

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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