• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Navigation and Port Research Conference
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• 2006.10a
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• pp.203-212
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• 2006

The purpose of this research is to suggest the activation plan of Busan port. In the past years, Busan port enjoyed the golden days because of the China's rapid economic growth. But China's continuous development of ports, the trend of increasing container ship size and increasing direct call to China are coming threats to Busan port. So Korea needs to revise the 'Northeast Logistics Hub' strategy because it is considered that Korea ports continuously will handle China's transshipment cargoes. But now China's transshipment cargo share has decreased by direct call to China ports. It means that China has a lot of its local cargoes, so many ship companies change liner service route to handle China cargoes except Bussan ports although Busan port is included in the main trunk route. In the future, Bussan port will not be able to compete again about throughput with China ports if Busan port's transshipment cargo share decreases. So we must find out and develop Busan port's strength which is the competitive edge. By good luck, Busan port has a few opportunities such as the developed feeder network service and geographical advantages. Busan port has many feeder network service like spider's web in any northeast countries so we can suggest that if Japanese shippers use Busan port to distribute their cargoes to Japanese local areas, its transport costs are cheaper than when they use Japan's main ports. In this paper analyzed side of cost when they use Bussan port like hub to distribute their cargo to their local areas. Because most companies tried to reduce the total cost about logistics. Finally, this paper suggests when northeast shippers(China, Japan) use Bussan port which is more economical than their local main ports.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.8
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• pp.169-238
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• 2010

The year 2010 is the 60th anniversary commemorating the Korean War. China intervened in the Korean War with the logics such as "To Resist the U.S.'s Aggression and Aid North Korea," "Save Endangered Home & defend Nation," and "If the Lips Are Gone, the Teeth Will Be Exposed to the Cold or If One of Them Falls, the Other is in Danger." However, China had a deep and long connection with North Korea through 1st Chinese Civil War, war against Japan imperialism, and 2nd Chinese Civil War. China has consulted with Kim Il-sung on his invasion of South Korea at the initial stage of development and played a casting vote role in the execution of the invasion plan. During the Korean War, the PLA supported the North Korea's regime by its action, and made the Korea Peninsula divide into two semi-permanently. Even after the war, China continues to maintain relations with North Korea by helping North Korea build the Kim Il-sung's Kingdom. Currently, whenever any issue related to North Korea rises in the international society, China definitely gets involved in those issues and exercises its power. Conditionally 'either armed aggression or, and wartime' in North Korea, China would follow the "Clause of Military Auto Intervention." In addition, China is very likely to establish refugee camps for North Koreans in the Northeastern-Three-Province and to provide rear bases or guerrilla camps for pro-Chinese sects. Furthermore, voluntarily playing a role as spokesman of North Korean Regime in the international society, China will exercise enormous influence on the reunification of the Korean Peninsula.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.121-151
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• 2006

As globalisation extends its effect and particularly following China's accession to the World Trade Organization(WTO) in 2001, ever greater numbers of international transactions will feature a Chinese party. China has certainly made efforts in recent years to rectify law problem. While conducting business in China, foreign companies occasionally find themselves embroiled in disputes with Chinese individuals and companies. As foreign businesses invest in the extraordinary market opportunities in China, international arbitration has also become the preferred method for handling disputes with Chinese partners or with other foreign corporation over operations in China. The new Arbitration Rules of the International Economic and Trade Arbitration Commission(CIETAC) came into force on 1 May 2005. The new rules represent a major overhaul of CIETAC arbitration procedures and are sure to enhance CIETAC's position as a leading player in the resolution of China-foreign business disputes. The changes are significant for all companies doing business in China. So, this article investigated some amendments on the basis of 2000 Rules.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.213-228
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• 2005

China is our second largest trade partner and the biggest country of our investment. For this reason, the Korea active strategy for coping with China's changes is very critical at the current point in time due to the economic structure of Korea dependent on exports. This essay is aimed at studying the Foreign Trade Administration System of China and selecting Korea's prospective exports-imports to China. The purpose of this, essay is to help Korean trading corporation to understand the difference between Korea and China in foreign trade administration in order to promote bilateral trade between Korea and China.

• Journal of Navigation and Port Research
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• v.36 no.9
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• pp.781-786
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• 2012

Based upon the analysis of the former paper, this paper suggest that present problems existing in China's relevant laws and regulations, the difficulties in constructing China's maritime performing party system, the strategy in constructing maritime performing party in China. The writer focused on the strategies of establishing maritime performing party in China, and analyzed the problems which needed to pay attention. Finally, in the writer's view, China does not need to take part in the Convention, and can establish the maritime performing system by amending China Maritime Code.

• Archives of Plastic Surgery
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• v.42 no.5
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• pp.650-652
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• 2015

• Journal of Industrial and Engineering Chemistry
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• v.67
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• pp.140-147
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• 2018

The performance of a hydrate anti-agglomerant (AA) on cyclopentane (CyC5) hydrate anti-agglomeration at various concentrations (0-1 wt%, based on the oil phase) using MMF apparatus has been investigated. At low AA concentrations up to 0.01 wt%, the AA reduces the cohesion force (capillary force) by reducing the CyC5-water interfacial tension. At concentrations higher than 0.1 wt%, hydrate hydrophobicity alternation and AA's thermodynamic inhibition effects are the main part of AA's mechanism. Additionally, a "temporary agglomeration" phenomenon caused by surface melting of the hydrate particles is also observed, which may indicate the AA's weak ability to produce stable water-CyC5 interface.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.49-74
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• 2021

In this paper, I applied grounded theory in exploring how Twitter became the battlefield for China's public diplomacy campaign. China's new move to global social media platforms, such as Twitter and Facebook, has been a controversial strategy in public diplomacy. This study analyzes Chinese Foreign Spokesperson Zhao Lijian's Twitter posts and comments. It models China's recent diplomatic move to Twitter as a "war of words" model, with features including "leadership," "polarization," and "aggression," while exerting possible effects as "resistance," "hatred," and "sarcasm" to the global community. Our findings show that by failing to gage public opinion and promote the country's positive image, China's current digital diplomacy strategy reflected by Zhao Lijian's tweets has instead constructed a polarized political public sphere, contradictory to the country's promoted "shared human destiny." The "war of words" model extends our understanding of China's new digital diplomacy move as a hybrid of state propaganda and self-performance. Such a strategy could spread hate speech and accelerate political polarization in cyberspace, despite improvements to China's homogenous network building on Twitter.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.43-68
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• 2022

Multiple modes of communication on social media can contribute to public diplomacy in informing, conversing, and networking with members of foreign publics. However, manipulative behaviours on social media, prevalent especially in high tension contexts, create disruptions to authentic communication in what could be grey/black propaganda or information warfare. This study reviews existing literature about models of public diplomacy to guide an empirical study of China's communication in the #SouthChinaSea conversation on Twitter. It uses computational methods to identify, record, and analyze one-way, two-way, and network communication of China's actors. It employs manual qualitative research to determine the nature of China's actors. On that basis, it assesses China's Twitter communication in the issue against various models of public diplomacy.

• Bulletin of the Korean Chemical Society
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• v.31 no.7
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• pp.1825-1826
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• 2010