• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.28 no.6
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• pp.731-740
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• 2012

This study was made to the adult females over 20's in the family that prepared the ritual food personally or in the family that conducts ritual or did not do the ritual for the religious reasons. And based on the prepare method of the ritual food, ritual and recognition of ritual good. 245 responses which took up 80.86% had responded they do the ritual or semi-ritual and Buddhism was most prominent religion among them. The cost for ritual food also had statically significant differences by the age, marriage status and income and on the terms of the income, more the income was more they spend on the ritual food. The ritual utensil used for the ritual food also show significant differences by the age, marriage status, family make-up formation, religion. The form and meaning of the ritual have been changed as the society changes but is still important subject matter for most of homes. Responders were preparing the ritual with all the sincerity to their ancestors with practical and realistic decisions.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.1-11
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• 1992

Dwelling house is not only simple shelter but the space involves symbolic feature of myth, religion and ritual. Through this study, compared the Shamanistic ritual space with that of Confucianism in the traditional dwelling houses in korea. The results are as follows: 1) Generally, the symbolism of 'Enthusiasm of Universe' and 'Central Idea' are similar, but 'the object of worship', 'the content of ritual' and 'background' are different. The Shamanistic ritual space is 'Sacred space'. and that of Confucialism is 'respect Space'. 2) As the character of space, Shamanistic ritual space is 'articulated space' and have tendency to seperate from the world. On the other hand, Confucion ritual space is integrated space and have tendency to extend by the feature and scale of the ritual. 3) Examing the supervisor of ritual, woman(housewife) is the center of shamanistic ritual space and man(house holder) is the center of Confucion ritual space.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.24 no.6
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• pp.51-59
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• 2013

The ritual for community is a group ritual performed by the regional community of a village for the safety of the residents and abundant harvests. However, many ritual places have been destroyed by the anti-superstition movement, New Community Movement (Saemaul Movement), industrialization and urbanization since the 1960s. Under the circumstances, this study researched the status of use of the ritual place in Beommul-dong in Daegu where the ritual was revived in 2004 after having been suspended since the end of the 1980s due to urbanization. The revival of the ritual for community in Beommul-dong in Daegu, which had been maintained by the village people alone, is the prime example of the vitalization of local community as the recreation of local community, since the ritual has been transformed into a kind of festival involved with and financed by the local government. The study on analyzing the usage pattern of the ritual place may provide useful sources to come up with the modernized functions of the ritual place as a community place, where the heads of the ward office and cultural center, lawmakers and most of the residents perform the ritual, share foods and tread on the God of the Earth across the village at 11:30 in the morning on every January 16 of the lunar calendar.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.40
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• pp.5-27
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• 2010

The Korean Mask-Dance Theatre has been developed closely related to Korean Shaman rituals. As many scholars noticed, the performers of the Mask-Dance Theatre were closely related to the Shaman family. In addition, there are mask-dance performances in actual shaman rituals. and are the representative performances among them. This essay intends to compare these two mask-dance performances in the shaman rituals to the similar performance of Old Grandpa and Grandma episode in the regional Mask-Dance Theatre. This study would bring us further in proving the close relation between the shaman ritual and the Mask-Dance Theatre. is one episode, Keori, in the shaman ritual of 'Baeyeonsin-kut' and 'Taedong-kut' in the mid-west seashore area. 'Taedong-kut' is the village shaman ritual for fertility and prosperity, while 'Baeyeonsin-kut' is a private shaman ritual for a large catch of the ship. is held in the later part of the whole shaman ritual since the later part tend to be more for entertainment than actual ritual. The story of is very similar that of in Pongsan Mask-Dance Theatre of the mid-west region. In addition, some of their dialogues are very similar. Only the later part is different. These similarities indicate that the Mask-Dance Theatre, which came into being in later period than the shaman ritual, has likely taken the story motif of the shaman ritual. is also a performance in the shaman ritual of east coasts. is more elaborate and recreational than of the west coasts. is also performed near the end of the ritual, and sometimes it is not performed at all. This indicates that has little ritual meaning left. When we compare it with the regional Mask-Dance Theatres such as Keosung Okwangdae, Tongyong Okwangdae, and Suyong Yaryu, the structure and the story lines are also very similar. It is a question why only the motif of the Grandpa and Grandma isfound both in the shaman ritual and the Mask-Dance Theatre. Many other motifs of other episodes in the Mask-Dance Theatre are not found in the shaman rituals. It seems that the Grandpa and Grandma motif is related to the ur-belief in fertility. In other words, this motif seems to be originated from the old belief in the fertility couple of Chonha Taechanggun and Jiha Yeochanggun. The shaman ritual for fertility first picked up this motif, and then the mask-dance theatre also adapted this motif for its recreational purpose. When we compare with , still has more aspects of fertility ritual, while lost its ritualistic meaning and its main purpose is to develop dramatic needs. and are invaluable existent performances to prove theatre's origin in ritual. The existence of mask-dance performances in the shaman rituals shows us the transit performance between theatre and ritual.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.52
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• pp.197-250
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• 2017

Many kinds of ritual manual books for the four ceremonies (coming-of-age, wedding, funeral, and ancestral rites) were published and transcribed during the Japanese Colonial Period. The ritual manuals are classified by 5 different types: 'ritual standards', 'ritual books for the four ceremonies', 'ritual books for the written prayers', 'religious ceremonial books', and 'general manners books'. All of them contributed much to the formation of folk rituals and religions, even though the purpose and contents of each book were different. The ritual manuals were not intellectual results of elites, but rather compilations of pre-modern ritual books and contemporary manners. These were widely spread among the people with the help of modern printing techniques. The ritual manuals aimed at common readers who wanted to look for ritual references easily. They were not just made for the special upper class. We can understand the contexts and characteristics of folk ritual and religion of the $20^{th}$ century by comprehending the ritual manuals of the Japanese Colonial Rule.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.101-106
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• 1990

The findings of the historical study of the proprieties of Korean traditional tea ritual, based on documents, are as follows. 1. The proprieties of tea ritual for the Imperial Sanctuary and the Buddhist proprieties of tea ritual for Buddha was celebrated during the Silla dynasty. 2. The proprieties of tea ritual during the Koryo dynasty developed in various types, such as the propreieties of tea ritual for the Imperial government, Buddha, Confucians.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.27
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• pp.41-52
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• 1996

This thesis is a rearch on ritual dresses and ideology of new Korean religions primarily cen-tering on the way how religions ideology has been expressed into them. THe results are as follows" 1. The representative ideology in new Korean religions is the beginning of the world after the end religional union anthropocentrism ethno-centrism and social reform. 2 The creator of Mirukbulgyo hinm-self made the ritual dress for Mirukbulgyo Therefore his thought and the thought new religions are expressed variously on literatiure and ritual dress Ritual dress which has been wearing to all the believers show the thought of social reform also it is not connected with the social position and sex distinction. That ritual dresses are used the part of boue color appears the thought of beginning of the world after the end and ethnocentrism The organization of all the dresses contains the ideol-ogy of religional joined-one. Each dress embodies the ideology of religional union and anthropocentrism in its Inhwagwan, Chungbok contains the ideology of religional union which Taosim prefominanates and ethnocentrism P'oui contains the ideology of beginning of the world after the end and the ideology of social reform.form.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.37 no.11
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• pp.59-73
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• 1999

The purpose of the present study was to identify the effect of perceivers’value and religions on the impresson of Korean catholic priest’s ritual dress. The subject consisted of 415 undergraduated students. The experimental materials developed for this study were 3type color photographs stimuli of catholic priest model and 7-point sementic differential scale composed of 49 bipolar adjectives representing personal traits. Perceivers were differenciated by AVL test. The data were analyzed by factor analysis and analysis of variance. The major findings drawl from this study were as follows : 1) Four factors( openness, religious nature, potency, characteristics of apperance) emerged to account for the dimentional structure of the impression of priest’s ritual dress. 2) The ritual dress and perceivers religion had partially significant effect on the impression of the priest. The ritual dress had an effect on openness and potency while the religious of perceivers affected religious symbolism and potency. Black suit with Roman collar and soutan were seen more authoritative, strong and independent than liturgical vestments. Catholic group saw priest with ritual dress more pure and potent than the other religious groups. 3) The ritual dress and perceiver’s value had partially significant effect on the impression of the priest. The ritual dress had an effect on openness, potency and the value had an significant interaction effect on potency. The group with political value perceived the priest with soutan more potent than black suit with Roman collar and liturgical vestments. Therefore the ritual dress and perceivers’value/religion had significant erect on Korean priest impression of openness, religious nature, potency. Research had also shown the similarity-attraction hypothesis which the individuals who hold similar characterisics are more Likely to be attracted.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.29 no.6
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• pp.79-88
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• 2020

During the Joseon Dynasty, the rituals that were celebrated in the palaces were mainly held inside the palace and in the courtyard of the palace. Mats were spread on the floor of the place where the ritual was held. The mats spread in the Joseon Dynasty rituals divided the space in various ways, and in particular, they were spread in a certain form in the spaces of royal wedding, customs, and court banquet. Mats were the primary physical element that divided the royal ritual space of the Joseon Dynasty, and functioned to elevate the general space to the ritual space. In the ritual space, mats were spread inside the palace, and divided the courtyard of the palace into left and right in a symmetrical form to distinguish the hierarchy of the participants. Mats with special and white patterns were spread in the external ceremonial space and mats with flower and colorful patterns were spread in the internal ceremonial space. This was the subdivision of the Confucianism's male-female division through the mat. The pattern of the mat that divided the space of the royal family elders also meant longevity to reflect the filial thoughts of the Confucianism through the mat. Mats were a physical element for subdividing the royal family and the participants in the hierarchy of the space where the ritual is held, and it also performed a subdividing function between the royal participants. In other words, in the Joseon Dynasty ritual space, mats were temporarily spread while the ritual is being celebrated and functioned to elevate the space to a ritual space. It is confirmed that the fact that the mats were temporarily spread to divide the space into the hierarchies according to the status and were subdivided into colors and patterns to perform the function to reflect the subdivision of the royal family according to Confucianism and the statue of filial piety in the ritual.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.27 no.6
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• pp.598-606
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• 2012

The aim of this study was to comparatively analyze the differences in Jinseol (ritual table-setting) and Jesu (ritual food) from the cultural perspective of ancestral ritual formalities regarding Bulcheonwijerye of Admiral Yi Sun-Sin, which is being held in Asan-hyeonchungsa shrine, Tongyeong-changnyangmyo and Namhae-chungyeolsa. The results are summarized as follows. A total of 32 types of Jemul (ritual food) in 6 rows in Asan-hyeonchungsa shrine, a total of 30 types of jemul in 6 rows in Tongyeong-changnyangmyo, and a total of 12 types of jemul in 2 rows in Namhae-chungyeolsa were prepared for the ritual table. In the Asan-hyeonchungsa shrine and Tongyeong-changnyangmyo, cooked foods have been used for jesu, whereas raw, uncooked foods have been used for jesu in Namhae-chungyeolsa. In the Asan-hyeonchungsa shrine, Gaeng (Kook) for liquid soup of Tang (stew) and Tang (5-tang) for the solid ingredient of stew have been prepared for a ritual table. In Tongyeong-changnyangmyo, fish Kook for Gaeng and So-tang (tofu stew) for Tang have been prepared for the ritual table. In Asan-hyeonchungsa shrine, Yukjeok (beef slices broiled on a skewer), Gyejeok (chicken jeok) and Eojeok (fish jeok) have been stacked together as Dojeok on a ritual table whereas in Tongyeong-changnyangmyo, Yukjeok, Sojeok and Eojeok have been placed on the ritual table as Pyunjeok (one by one). In Namhae- chungyeolsa, raw pork meat has been placed on the ritual table. As Po (a dried meat or fish), dried fish and dried seafood have been used in Tongyeong-changnyangmyo, whereas raw beef meat has been used in Namhae-chungyeolsa. Although Namul (cooked vegetables) and Mulkimchi (watery plain kimchi) are placed on ritual table for Asan-hyeonchungsa shrine, only Namul and Saengchae (raw vegetables) is used in Tongyeong-changnyangmyo and Namhae-chungyeolsa, respectively. Bulcheonwijerye for the same person, Admiral Yi Sun-Sin, has different characteristics according to the shrines. Accordingly, there is a need to preserve and succeed bulcheonwijerye of Admiral Yi because it is a traditional culture in ancestral rituals.