• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.109-132
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• 2003

This paper argues that AGREE and Multiple AGREE are not distinct, and they are constrained by a single Minimality condition. It is argued, contra Chomsky (2001) and Hiraiwa (2000), that Multiple AGREE takes place not simultaneously but sequentially on the basis of a Minimality Condition. That makes it possible to assimilate Multiple AGREE to AGREE.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.89-108
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• 2003

As pronouns are resolved with their antecedents, definite NPs may enter into the anaphora-antecedent relations with indefinite NPs. This paper is to provide faster and more efficient computational algorithms by which definite NPs are resolved effectively, For this purpose, this paper extends Chierchia's Binding Theory in Categorial Grammar, and definite NPs are resolved with their antecedents by similar algorithms that are used to reflexive resolution. In these algorithms, the relations between indefinite NP and definite NP are represented with λ-expressions, and definite NPs are resolved with their antecedent by λ-conversions.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.1-14
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• 2003

This paper proposes an empty constituent, a silent beat, to express long duration of stressed syllable in the word final position and rhythmic correspondence in English. This empty constituent has an important consequence. It helps reveal one of the characteristics English feet have: they must be non-final in nouns as well as in verbs. In addition, the silent beats overcome the shortcomings of empty constituents proposed previously, namely null vowels (Burzio 1994) and invisible suffixes (Hammond 1999).

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.1 no.3
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• pp.369-386
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• 2001

This paper will show that traditional approaches to the derivation of different negative words have been of an essentially hypothetical nature, based on either linguists' intuitions or rather scant evidence, and that native-speaker dictionary entries show meaning potentials (rather than meanings) which are in fact linguistic and cognitive prototypes. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that using a large corpus of natural language can provide better answers to questions about word-formation (i.e., with particular reference to negative prefixation) than any other source of information.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.1 no.3
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• pp.477-496
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• 2001

Arguing against Burzio's (1986) and Levin and Rappaport Hovav's (1995) proposal that verbs that occur in the there-construction are unaccusative ones, Takami and Kuno (2000) point out counter-examples to their proposal and put forth a functional characterization of the class. This paper proposes that the class of there-construction verbs can be characterized in terms of the concept of unaccusativity, where verbs can be determined to be unaccusative depending on their contexts. More specifically, it proposes that only such verbs can be there-construction verbs as are unaccusative in a restrictive approach to argument structure as in Hale and Keyser (1993a).

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.2 no.4
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• pp.495-518
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• 2002

This paper is to analyze various phenomena of NPIs based on Nonveridicality Theory. For this purpose, I present the previous studies concerning NPls and examine their problems: Ladusaw's(1980) Downward Entailment and Zwarts'(1993) Monotonicity Theory. To solve their problems I suggest Giannakidou's(1998, 1999, 2000) Nonveridicality Theory. To conclude, this paper clarifies the reason why NPls are licensed and resolves the problems of previous studies. I explain NPIs' phenomena in questions, modals, intentional verbs, before, perhaps and so on. I analyse the examples of NPls in BNC, S&S, P&P to prove my claim.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.3 no.4
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• pp.499-526
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• 2003

This paper, based on Krifka (2001), is about the interpretation of quantifiers in questions. I have argued that quantification into question acts is possible for universal quantifiers, as these quantifiers are based on conjunction, an operation that is defined for speech acts. This explains the restriction to universal quantifiers, which are generalized conjunctions. I have developed a type system in which quantification into question acts can be described. I have argued that expressions that scope out of speech acts must be topic, which explains a number of additional observations. I have also discussed embedded questions, which, depending on the embedding verb, may allow for quantification into questions.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.53-76
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• 2002

This paper aims to review Hammond's (1999) analysis of English word stress and propose an alternative by exploring two questions: Why English words display flexible stress patterns and what are the conditions all English words have to obey. As answers to the questions I propose an invisible suffix after words with final stress, foot structures with two levels, and four constraints, two of them are attained by revision of Hammond's. As long as words satisfy the constraints, more than one foot structures are allowed. That is why the English lexicon displays flexibility.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.77-95
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• 2002

This paper claims Hale and Keyser's (1992, 1993a, 2001) Lexical Relational Structure (LRS) theory should be slightly extended by allowing the syntactic principles for the “referential” component to apply to the “manner” component. Then, it shows this extension allows us to deal with most of Clark and Clark's (1979) denominal verbs, except that cases like butcher may further demand Hale and Keyser's (2001) p-signature copying treatment. It also argues that this extension is further supported by a more satisfactory treatment of the distribution of non-bridge verbs, and of an asymmetry in ditransitive passives.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.97-121
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• 2002

Aoun and Li (1989) and Hornstein (1995) suggest that the cross-linguistic contrast in quantifier scope between English and East Asian languages is attributed to the parametric difference in the base subject position, viz. VP-internal position in English and Spec IP in East Asian languages. This paper argues that their suggestion is untenable, and that the cross linguistic contrast in question is due to the parametric difference that English permits and East Asian languages do not permit (overt) object shift.