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Current status and tasks of the transmission of Gyeonggi Province intangible cultural assets (folk songs) (경기도 향토민요 관련 무형문화재의 전승현황과 과제)

  • Jang, hee-sun
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.35
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    • pp.405-439
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    • 2017
  • In this article, I suggest issues and tasks in transmission of Gyeonggi Province folk songs after thorough study of designation of Gyeonggi Province folk songs as intangible cultural asset, reproduction and transmission. Intangible cultural assets are classified into seasonal playing and songs. Originally, category or extension of folk songs is above mere songs and it also embraces personal lives as well as village communities. Intangible assets of folk songs are folk art, group events and non-stage events at the same time based on tradition, history, uniqueness, characters of field value. Gyeonggi Province has 9 intangible assets now because of the revocation of several assets (All Gyeonggi Province, Hwasung, Gwacheon) within five years after initial designation of 13 assets in 1998. They are mostly distributed in the north Gyeonggi region where is close to the DMZ and delay in development seems to have enabled the preservation. Most of the intangible cultural assets are farming songs and weeding which show characteristics of Gyeonggi Province. Most of the designees are who performed excavation, recovery, excluding a few cases without designees on designation, and almost all the designee passed away. Number of cases have been revoked because transmission was not completed or some cases were transmitted to groups rather than specific designees. Subscription concert, the biggest and most representative event, is performed once a year with all of the 9 intangible cultural assets in the original complete forms of the designation. Intangible cultural assets are classified into seasonal playing and songs. In general, current performance of the intangible cultural assets and folk songs are same as the originally designated forms and are not in varied forms other than folk songs like songs for rice-planting and weeding. Funeral songs are transmitted in Yangju and Yangpyeong. In terms of the operation, preservation societies having training centers have been performing more constant activities for preservation including lecture, performance and transmission. Members are quite aged and the societies are suffering from lack of support fund for reproduction and transmission. Problems in reproduction and tasks for the transmission I would like to suggest are like followings. First, preservation and value of the cultural assets. Second, new understanding of designation and revocation of the intangible cultural assets. Third, record of performance and sound source. Fourth, liaison with local communities. Fifth, organization of professional resources and establishment of systematic support and management.

Syugendo(修驗道) and Noh(能) Performance (수험도(修驗道)와 노(能) - 노 <다니코(谷行)>의 작품분석을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Hyeonwook
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.23
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    • pp.37-61
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    • 2011
  • The Noh(能) performance is a traditional drama that represents Japan. The Noh performance was approved in the background of religious thought such as Shintoism(神道), Buddhisms(佛敎), and Syugendo(修驗道). Especially, the influence from Shugendo is large. Shugendo was active in the Middle Ages. Especially, the influence from Shugendo is large. Shugendo was active in the Middle Ages. The Noh was approved while receiving a large influence from Shugendo. It can know the feature of the Shugen(修驗) culture in the Middle Ages through the consideration of . Moreover, the appearance of the training of 'Yamabusi(山伏)' can be seen. "Yamabusi" has not been paid to attention up to now in the research of . And, the focus was appropriated to Yamabusi and it researched in this text. Moreover, the problem of "Chigo(稚子)" is thought through . "Chigo culture" was general in the Middle Ages. It is thought that "Chigo culture" is reflected in . is an Noh performance for the boy named 'Wakamatsu' to enter the mountain and to train. It is because mother's sickness was cured. However, the boy gets sick while it is training. It was dropped to the valley according to the law of Shugendo, and it died. However, it revives by the Yamabusi's prayers. 'Taniko' is to drop to the valley and to bury it when the Yamabusi gets sick while lived. The title of the Noh originated in here. has elements of history, content of training of Shugendo, "Filial piety", and the Chigo culture, etc. These are features of the culture in the Middle Ages. It is not only a sad content though this is a content of the cruel remainder. It is because of the revival though waited rapidly at the end. As for the difficulty of training is drawn in the round, and the appearance of the training at that time is understood well. The essence of Shugendo is to train in the mountain. Supernatural power can be obtained through training. Moreover, it was thought that it was able to be newly reborn through training. The leading part of Shugendo is an Yamabusi. The Yamabusi took an active part in not only the mountain but also the village. The Yamabusi is ordinary people's lives and because the relation is deep, an important factor it knows the folk customs of Japan. The word 'Chigo' is not written in . However, a spectator at that time is 'Chigo' Wakamatsu and is already sure to have understood 'Chigo'. Because everyone knew the Chigo culture in the Middle Ages. A religion at that time and knowledge of the society are necessary to understand the play of Nho well.

Analytical Psychology-Based Interpretation of a Russian Fairy Tale Entitled "Seven Stars" (러시아 민담 '일곱 개의 별'에 대한 분석심리학적 해석)

  • Myeong-Sook Hwang
    • Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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    • v.30 no.1
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    • pp.31-66
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    • 2015
  • A study on a Russian fairy tale entitled "Seven Stars" was conducted from the perspective of analytical psychology. The plot goes as follows. Once upon a time, a village in Russia was suffering from severe drought. Villagers were dying of thirst, and crops were withering day by day. One night, a little girl left their house carrying a wooden dipper to find water for her sick mother by herself. However, water was nowhere to be found. She felt tired and fell asleep. When she woke up, the moon was already over her head, and the dipper had been filled with water. On her way home to give the water to her mother, she found a dog lying on the ground. The dog was also dying of excessive thirst, so she gave the dog a handful of water. Then the wooden dipper suddenly turned into a silver dipper. When she had finally arrived home and her mother has drunk the water, the silver dipper changed into a golden dipper. At that moment, an old man showed up and asked for water. The little girl gave him water. When the old man stared at the water, she realized that there were seven diamonds twinkling like stars in the dipper. The water never ran out. Surprisingly enough, the seven diamonds suddenly soared up into the sky and eventually formed a constellation of the Big Dipper. The water was shared with the other villagers who, then, recovered their strength. The severe drought came to an end, and the villagers danced together with joy. In this fairy tale, the severe drought symbolizes devastation caused by a unidirectional stream of consciousness while the little girl represents a new function, which shows the value of women who can heal and restore from that devastation. Symbolized in a fairy tale character such as 'a daughter' or 'a little girl', the new function eventually reaches up to the value which leads and affects the group as well as individuals. To conclude, this new function represents the unconscious process whose role is to revitalize the maternity and resolve the problems posed to a group as well as individuals.

A Review of Current Status and Placeness on the Yusang-Goksu Ruins in Hwanggak-dong, Geumma, Iksan (익산 금마 황각동 유상곡수 유적 일대의 현황과 장소성에 대한 일고찰)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Han, Min-Soon;Seo, Youn-Mi;Park, Yool-Jin
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.40 no.3
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    • pp.20-35
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    • 2022
  • This study was conducted on the locational results of the 'Yusanggoksu(流觴曲水)' petroglyphs located in Hwanggak-dong(黃閣洞), Shinsong-ri, Geumma-myeon, Iksan-si through literature study, analysis of old maps and aerial photos, field observations, drone photography, elevation surveys, and interviews with residents. It was attempted for the purpose of illuminating and preserving the relics of the domestic Yusanggoksu garden by clarifying the spatiality of this place by tracing the spatiality and examining the possibility of enjoying the Yusanggoksu water system in this place. The conclusion of this study is as follows. The area around Hwanggak-dong, where the Yusanggoksu remains, has been selected as the most beautiful scenic spot in Iksan in various documents. The origin of 'Hwanggak' is considered to be closely related to the nickname of Uijeongbu(議政府). In other words, he paid attention to the relationship with Yanggok, So Se-yang(蘇世讓), who served as Chan-seong Jwa(左贊成). In particular, he paid attention to the relationship with his birthplace, Taeheojeong, a separate book, and Toehyudang, a retreat hall), tombs, and posthumous Confucian academies were distributed in the vicinity. Haseo-dae(荷鋤臺), a wide rock on which a hoe is hung on a rock after field work, seems to express a leisurely rural life and a simple and hermit life, based on the examples of Chinese and Korean poetry. The dark blood on the upper part of the Seobwi Rock with the inscription 'Yusanggoksu', which is the core of this site, is identified as a chailgong(遮日孔) to support the water system, and Ilgan-pavilion and Mojeong(茅亭) nearby are to support the yusanggoksu. It seems to have performed a spatial function for The inscription 'Hwanggak-dong' engraved on the front of Deungzanbawi is the gateway to Hwanggakdongcheon(黃閣洞天) and identified the idealized world existing in the village. Judging from the documentary records of the Iksan-gun 『Chongswaelog(叢瑣錄)』, the rock letters 'Hwanggak-dong' and 'Haseodae' were engraved on March 29, 1901, the 5th year of Gwangmu, the 5th year of the Korean Empire, by Iksan-gun Governor Oh Haeng-mook(吳宖默) and his acquaintance Seokseong Kim In-gil(金寅吉) Confirmed. Also, considering the tense of Lee Bong-gu's 「Hwanggakdongun(黃閣洞韻)」 and So Jin-deok, a descendant of Yanggok, 「Hwanggakdongsihoe(黃閣洞詩會)」, it is presumed that it was related to Goksuyeon(曲水宴) in Hwanggak-dong. It can be inferred that the current affairs meetings were held at least until the early days of Japanese colonial rule. Meanwhile, the maximum width of the current curved waterway was calculated as 11.3m and the transverse slope was 15.0%. If so, it is estimated that the width and extension distance of the curved waterway would have been much longer. Judging from the use of mochun(暮春), drinking and poetry, the tense 'Hwanggakdongsihoe' related to the Yusanggoksu relics in Hwanggak-dong, and the existence of a pavilion presumed to be Yusangjeong(流觴亭) called Ilgan-pavilion in the nearby Yusanggoksu site It is confirmed that it was a space where Yusanggoksuyeon(流觴曲水宴) spread at least until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. Unfortunately, it remains a limitation of the study that it cannot be confirmed due to lack of data on the rock characters of 'Yusanggoksu' and those who enjoyed it before the end of the Joseon Dynasty. This is an area that needs to be elucidated through continuous efforts to find data on this issue in the future.

Comparative Evaluation of Dietary Intakes of Calcium, Phosphorus, Iron, and Zinc in Rural, Coastal, and Urban District (농촌, 어촌, 도시 지역별 칼슘, 인, 철, 아연의 섭취상태 비교평가)

  • Choi, Mi-Kyeong;Kim, Hyun-Sook;Lee, Won-Young;Lee, Hyomin;Ze, Keum-Ryon;Park, Jung-Duck
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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    • v.34 no.5
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    • pp.659-666
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    • 2005
  • The purpose of this study was to compare the intake status of calcium, phosphorus, iron, and zinc of Korean adults residing in different regions. Subjects were recruited and divided into three groups according to the districts where they lived, which included rural (n=137), coastal (n=100), and urban district (n=117). Subjects were interviewed using a general questionnaire and 24-hour recall method for dietary intake. The average age of the subjects were 58.1 years for rural district, 57.7 years for coastal district, and 48.6 years for urban district. There was no significance in total food intake by regions. The food intakes from cereals, mushrooms, vegetables of rural district, that from fishes of coastal district, and those from sugars, milks, oils of urban area were the highest among three districts. The calcium, phosphorus, iron, and zinc intakes were $60.1\%,\;123.9\%,\;95.2\%,\;and\;73.1\%$ of RDAs, respectively. The calcium intakes as percentage of RDA in rural and coastal district were significantly (p<0.01) lower than that in urban district. A larger number of subjects from coastal or urban district ate under $75\%$ of zinc RDA compared to those from rural village. Major sources of dietary calcium in total subjects were anchovy, kimchi, milk, soybean curd, rice, ice cream, sea mustard, yogurt, loach, and welsh onion. Rice supplied $15.5\%$ for phosphorus, $22.1\%$ for iron, and $35.9\%$ for zinc of total intake. Except for rice, major sources of dietary zinc were pork, beef, small red bean, dog meat, chicken, jacopever, soybean curd, glutinous millet, and kimchi. In conclusion, the food and mineral intakes of adults differed according to the regions in which they resided. The food and nutrient intakes of coastal district were not satisfactory, and calcium and zinc intakes of three regions did not meet RDAs. Therefore, it is required unique and discriminatory nutritional education with each region for increasing intakes of calcium and zinc.

Considerable Aspects for Technical and Vocational Training in Forestry (임업기술(林業技術) 및 직업훈련(職業訓練)에 고려(考慮)되어야 할 사항(事項))

  • Ma, Sang Kyu
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.51 no.1
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    • pp.56-65
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    • 1981
  • The training of forest ranger level and forest worker level to push the sound forest management and to increase the employment effects in forestry will be done without delay as soon as possible. So several opinions to be considered are here discussed. 1. The ranger level will be at first completely trained with the technics developed and modernized, to process really the sound forest management based on the concept of ecological and economical technic. 2. The organization of vocational training and it's systematical training method will be newly adopted to increase the labour efficiency in forestry. The case of fulltime worker level should be more intensively trained and part-time worker or forest famer level should be trained by the forest ranger and skilled worker with visiting circularly their working place. And the daily employed workers and village people for working should be done by the skilled workers. 3. The training subjects for them at the beginning step will be exploited by the instructors and concerned experts with studying their current conditions. Their practical training is more reasonable to do in the practically managing forest and to carry out under the responsible of leader of this forest. 4. The instructors included rangers of training forest will get specially certain intensive training through the aids of outside experts or through the group instruction with them. 5. The training fields and their reasons to be learned by them are discussed in this paper from the basic knowledge to the skill technics. 6. In oder to systematize and mordernize more rapidly our forest technics that need for training them and also applying directly in the forest management, a total effort of certain type by scientists and technicians scattered individually all over the country is now earnestly demanded to synthesize their knowledge, technic and experience. So to do like this, the establishment of certain organization through which can do their total efforts together will be considered and assisted by the concerned authority. 7. For better lieving of full-time workers, the whole-round year working amount have to be supplied though the work technic-and working plan development. And under the conditions that the timber harvesting work is still not so enough and it has a bad climatic season, the in-side working system and side - job aids will be developed for their sound lieving. 8. The organization of labour management will be soon introduced in the concerning administrativ authority to solve the forest labour problems and to increase the employing effects in forestry in future. 9. The supply programm of improved and trained tools and maschines for forest work is also considered to use by the trained persons. If not to do so, the training results will return to the original condition and will get nothing any more.

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Comparative analysis of dietary behavior and nutrient intake of elderly in urban and rural areas for development of "Village Lunch Table" program: Based on 2014 Korea National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey data (농촌 노인의 마을 밥상 개선 프로그램 개발을 위한 도시와 농촌 노인의 식생활 행태 및 영양소 섭취 상태 비교분석 : 2014년 국민건강영양조사 자료를 이용하여)

  • Lee, Youngmi;Choi, Yourim;Park, Hae Ryun;Song, Kyung Hee;Lee, Kyung Eun;Yoo, Chang;Lim, Young Suk
    • Journal of Nutrition and Health
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    • v.50 no.2
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    • pp.171-179
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    • 2017
  • Purpose: We conducted comparative analysis of dietary behavior and food and nutrient intakes of Korean elderly in urban and rural areas using the 2014 Korea National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (KNHANES). Methods: This study was conducted on 1,239 participants (urban elderly: 867, rural elderly: 372) aged 65 years and over who participated in the health examination and nutrition survey in the 6th 2014 KNHANES. Dietary behaviors, including skipping meals, eating out frequencies, and food and nutrient intakes were analyzed using 24-hour recall data. Analysis of complex sample design data through SPSS 19.0 was used for the analysis. Results: The rate of skipping dinner was higher in urban (6.5%) than in rural elderly (3.6%) (p < 0.05), and the frequency of eating out per week of urban elderly (1.73) was higher than that of rural elderly (1.35) (p < 0.001). The rural elderly consumed a greater amount of grain compared to urban elderly, whereas consumption of water, seaweed food, and dairy products was lower in rural than in urban areas (p < 0.05). The rural elderly consumed significantly less highly unsaturated fatty acids, n-6 fatty acids, phosphorus, iron, vitamin A, carotene, niacin, and vitamin C in comparison with elderly in urban areas. Comparison of the percentages of Dietary Reference Intakes for Koreans (KDRIs) between the two groups showed that intakes of vitamin A and vitamin C were significantly lower in the rural elderly than in urban elderly. Conclusion: The elderly in rural areas showed unbalanced food and nutrient intakes compared to the elderly in urban areas. Therefore, customized nutrition education according to residential areas should be developed and provided to rural elderly to improve their health and nutritional status.

Investigation of Daily Life and Consciousness of Longevous People in Korea -(1)The Regional Features of Longevity Areas- (우리나라 장수자(長壽者)의 생활(生活) 및 의식조사(意識調査)에 관한 연구(硏究) -(1) 장수지역(長壽地域)의 지역적(地域的) 특성(特性)-)

  • Choi, Jin-Ho;Pyeun, Jae-Hyeung;Rhim, Chae-Hwan;Yang, Jong-Soon;Kim, Soo-Hyun;Kim, Jeung-Han;Lee, Byeong-Ho;Woo, Soon-Im;Choe, Sun-Nam;Byun, Dae-Seok
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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    • v.1 no.2
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    • pp.116-126
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    • 1986
  • This study was designed to be a link in the chain of the investigation on daily life and consciousness of longevous people in Korea, and to investigate the regional feature of longevity areas. The daily life and consciousness were investigated on 379 subjects(male 121, female 258) of the aged who were above 80 years of age, from June to November in 1985. This paper is to report the results investigated the longevity rate, distribution, classification and weather of longevity districts, and also the actual conditions such as the functions of daily life and educational degree of longevous people. 1. The number of longevous people in Korea was 171,449 (male 42,842, female 128,607), and the average longevity rate was 0.46% against total population in Korea(male 0.23%, female 0.69%). 2. Of the longevity rates of shi and/or do in Korea, Cheju(1.03%) was the highest among these districts, and decreased in the order of Chonnam(0.79%), Chonbuk(0.66%), Kyongbuk(0.65%) and Kyongnam(0.61%), whereas the large cities such as Inchon(0.22%), Seoul(0.23%), Pusan(0.23%) and Taegu(0.28%) were remarkably lower than districts in seasides and mountains. 3. The districts above 1.0% of longevity rate in Korea showed 17-guns, and the distribution of these districts was 10-guns of Chonnam, 2-guns of Kyongbuk and Kyongnam, and 1-gun of Kyonggi, Cho-nbuk and Cheju, respectively. 4. Of these districts, Pukcheju(1.65%) was the highest, and decreased in the order of Namhae(1.56%), Sungju(1.24%), Posong(1.22%) and Koksong(1.20%). The highest figure(male 0.71%, female 2.51%) was observed in Pukcheju as contrasted with 0.23%(male) and 0.69%(female) of the average longevity rate in Korea. 5. The sex ratio of longevous people in Korea showed the female/male ratio of 3.0. It is, therefore, believed that the longevity rate of female was 3 times higher than that of male. 6. The longevity districts were classified into seven districts in seasides, three districts in isolated islands, and seven rural districts in mountains. 7. The situation of weather in longevity districts was in the range of 11.2 to $14.8^{\circ}C$ at annual average temperature, and 878.5 to 1585.9mm at annual average rainfall. 8. Of the educational degree of longevous people, uneducated(71.5%) was the highest, and followed by the order of village school(15.8%) and above elementary school(4.8%). 9. In the functions of daily life, the aged moving actively(53.0%) was the highest among these longevous people, followed by the aged moving a little(23.5%). Therefore, it is believed that health degree of these longevous peoples by the functions of daily life was very gratifying.

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Location and Construction Characteristics of Imdaejeong Wonlim based on Documentation (기문(記文)을 중심으로 고찰한 임대정원림(臨對亭園林)의 입지 및 조영 특성)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Park, Tae-Hee;Shin, Sang-Sup;Kim, Hyoun-Wuk
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.4
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    • pp.14-26
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    • 2011
  • Imdaejeong Wonlim is located on the verge of Sangsa Village in Sapyeong-ri, Daepyeong-myeon, Hwasun-gun Gyeongsangnam-do toward Northwest. It was planned by Sa-ae, Minjuhyeon in 1862 on the basis of Gobanwon built by Nam Eongi in 16th century against the backdrop of Mt. Bongjeong and facing Sapyeong Stream. As water flows from west to east in the shape of crane, this area is a propitious site standing for prosperity and happiness. This area shows a distinct feature of Wonlim surrounding the Imdaejeong with multi layers as consisting of 5 districts - front yard where landmark stone with engraved letters of 'Janggujiso of Master Sa-ea' and junipers are harmoniously arranged, internal garden of upper pavilion ranging from a pavilion to square pond with a little island in the middle, Sugyeongwon of under pavilionu consisting of 2 ponds with a painting of three taoist hermits, forest of Mt. Bonggeong and external garden including Sapyeong Stream and farmland. According to documentation and the results of on-site investigation, it is certainly proved that Imdaejeong Wonlim was motivated by Byeoseo Wonlim which realized the idea of 'going back to hometown after resignation' following the motives of Janggujiso, a hideout aimed to accomplish the ideology, 'training mind and fostering innate nature,' on the peaceful site surrounded by water and mountain, as well as motives of Sesimcheo(洗心處) to be unified with morality of Mother Nature, etc. In addition, it implies various imaginary landscapes such as Pihangji, Eupcheongdang, square pond with an island and painting of three Taoist hermits based on a notion that 'the further scent flies away, the fresher it becomes,' which is originated from Aelyeonseol(愛蓮說). In terms of technique of natural landscape treatment, divers techniques are found in Imdaejeong Wonlim such as distant view of Mt. Bongjeong, pulling view with an intention of transparent beauty of moonlight, circle view of natural and cultural sceneries on every side, borrowed scenary of pastoral rural life adopted as an opposite view, looked view of Sulyundaero, over looked view of pond, static view in pavilion and paths, close view of water space such as stream and pond, mushroom-and-umbrella like view of Imdaejeong, vista of pond surrounded by willows, imaginary view of engraved letters meaning 'widen knowledge by studying objectives' and selected view to comprise sunrise and sunset at the same time. In the beginning of construction, various plants seemed to be planted, albeit different from now, such as Ginkgo biloba, Phyllostachys spp., Salix spp., Pinus densiflora, Abies holophylla, Morus bombycis, Juglans mandschurica, Paulownia coreana, Prunus mume, Nelumbo nucifera, etc. Generally, it reflected dignity of Confucianism or beared aspect of semantic landscape implying Taoist taste and idea of Phoenix wishing a prosperity in the future. Furthermore, a diversity of planting methods were pursued for such as liner planting for the periphery of pond, bosquet planting and circle planting adopted around the pavilion, spot planting using green trees, solitary planting of monumentally planted Paulownia coreana and opposite planting presenting the Abies holophylla into yin and yang.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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