• Title/Summary/Keyword: Korean Presidential Election

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Arguments and Some Issues to be Considered for Building the New Administration Capital City in Korea (신 행정수도 건설의 논거와 과제)

  • 안성호
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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    • v.38 no.2
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    • pp.298-311
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    • 2003
  • Building the new administration capital city, one of presidential candidate Moo-Hyun Rho's election pledges, is now listed as a priority national policy agenda of the Participation Government. However, so many people's negative attitudes ranging from cynical skepticism to firm objections against the national policy agenda may threaten its smooth policy actualization. At this juncture, this paper attempts to present persuasive arguments and discuss some critical issues to be considered for building the new administration capital city successfully. The paper begins with taking a look at the current state of hyper-concentration of Seoul agglomeration area and its harmful effects, paints a vision of 'an evenly developed country as a whole' via illustrating the vision from the Swiss case, and reviews the performance of the precedent governments' reform measures for rectifying the hyper-concentration of Seoul agglomeration area. And then, the paper argues for building the new administration capital city as a potent solution to the problem of excessive concentration of activities in Seoul agglomeration area, as well as a driving force to spur the government to realize the Participation Government' enthusiastic vision: 'a decentralized and evenly developed country as a whole' and 'the hub country in the Northeast Asia'. In addition, the paper discusses the location of the new administration capital city in connection with the forthcoming national unification. Lastly, the paper deals with the important issues such as the procedure of people's approval, the population size and legal status of the new administration capital city, the relationship between building the new administration capital city and decentralization reform, etc.

Propensity Analysis of Terrorism and Political Leaders Countermeasures (정치지도자 요인테러 성향 분석과 대응방안)

  • Kang, Kyoung Soo;Song, Sang Wook
    • Journal of the Society of Disaster Information
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    • v.8 no.3
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    • pp.287-296
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    • 2012
  • This study is analysis of the existing domestic terrorism factors and suggest countermeasures for political leadership that can occur to the precautionary terror occasion of the presidential election approached 100 days in the future. Political terror caused mainly achieved peak of Ideology or social conflict by Politically alienated class. Common cause is most likely to occur when the party or the government want to attack a target or can not stand disadvantaged and lose that I suppert the party or the government. 21st century political terror is occurred with Misfits of complaints expressed or social conflict more frequency than attack used random people, new weqpon and bomb. It is interpreted that issued as a drastic measure from individual complaint because of increased polarization of wealth by separate into group and fallen law and order but also we are not familiar with the political compromises. Personal safety escort mission is essential condition of political activity that Absolute personal protection and to come up with a large number of voters for best result. Thus security guard ought to professional security activity depend on gathered situation, location and regional feature for perfect protection service.

Myanmar in 2016: Starting of New Era, But Uncertain Future (미얀마 2016: 새로운 시대의 시작, 불안한 미래)

  • JANG, Jun Young
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.185-212
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    • 2017
  • The National League for Democracy (NLD) has restored a civilian government since the military had taken political power in 1962 as a result of general elections on 7, November 2015. But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could not take part in the presidential election due to some restraints in constitution, so new government created the state counsellor position and the ministry of sate counsellor's office against military's resistance. It never publicized whether the military has to back to barracks including abolish of military's occupying the parliament seats. The ruling party is still taking laissez-faire to the military's political and economic role. The National level Ceasefire Agreement called the 21st Panglong conference launched in the end of August for a week, but stakeholders only insisted their demands. Rohingya issue is not involved in the 21st Panglong conference which aims to achieve national unity. The U.S. fully lifted a comprehensive sanction toward Myanmar since 1993, Japan promised huge grant assistance succeeding the former quasi civilian government. China strived to restore alienated relations of two countries. Although Korea kept Official Development Assistance, the summit which was planed two times in 2016 did not hold. The civilian government announced twelve points of developmental agenda in July 2016, instead of destroying the national development policy of the Thein Sein government. This agenda only showed the direction of policy not road map which was the same trend of the former government. The main direction of economic development stressed agriculture but manufacture like light industry was ignored.

A Comparative Analysis over News Framing of the Abolition of the Family Headship (Hoju) System: Examining Three Major Korean Dailies: Chosun, Kukmin, Hankyoreh (호주제 폐지에 대한 뉴스 프레이밍 비교 연구: 조선일보, 국민일보, 한겨레신문을 중심으로)

  • Lee, Min-Kyu;Kim, Su-Jeong
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.34
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    • pp.132-160
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    • 2006
  • The main purpose of this study is based on the comparative analysis over news framing of the family headship(Hoju) abolition in Korean society. This study examined the newspaper articles involving the Hoju abolition, which had been printed on the three major dailies, Chosun, Kukmin, Hankyoreh through February of 1990 to July of 2005. First, the news articles were analyzed and classified on the basis of their lengths, news types, main characters, news framing and systematic framing. Second, the articles that this study looked into were divided into the five major periods when the issue of the Hoju abolition in Korean society surfaced as a main social agenda to be discussed. Third, the main differences between the noticeable frame and unnoticeable frame in each period were analyzed through the three different perspectives which can also can be sub-divided into the six different attributes. This study found that the Hoju abolition as an attribute had developed into political, legal and social fields. The analysis of the research shows that the articles related to the patriarchy abolition showed more dominant frame which reflected the social change or the general tendency of the times. However, the analysis indicates that the articles in the level of an attribute included more dominant frame which mirrored a male chauvinism society. It also points out that the articles contained more dominant frame which was be used as a standard to find out the readers' political inclination. The articles also showed the dominant frame which included the revision and legal process of family laws before presidential or general election campaigns. The study also found that there were major differences among the three dailies. First of all, Chosun, regarded the Hoju as a custom by stressing that 'it is necessary to keep Hoju system to intensify the role and crisis of family if the Hoju will be abolished'. However, Hankyoreh recognized the issue as an important one to improve feminism and female rights by maintaining that 'it is the time to balance the inequality out between men and women with the abolition of patriarchy'. Finally, Kukmin treated the issue as an first step to acknowledge the dignity of females by emphasizing that 'a revision of the law is essential to accept the changing ethics of the times'.

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Future Direction of National Health Insurance (국민건강보험 발전방향)

  • Park, Eun-Cheol
    • Health Policy and Management
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    • v.27 no.4
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    • pp.273-275
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    • 2017
  • It has been forty years since the implementation of National Health Insurance (NHI) in South Korea. Following the 1977 legislature mandating medical insurance for employees and dependents in firms with more than 500 employees, South Korea expanded its health insurance to urban residents in 1989. Resultantly, total expenses of the National Health Insurance Service (NHIS) have greatly increased from 4.5 billion won in 1977 to 50.89 trillion won in 2016. With multiple insurers merging into the NHI system in 2000, a single-payer healthcare system emerged, along with separation policy of prescribing and dispensing. Following such reform, an emerging financial crisis required injections from the National Health Promotion Fund. Forty years following the introduction of the NHI system, both praise and criticism have been drawn. In just 12 years, the NHI achieved the fastest health population coverage in the world. Current medical expenditure is not high relative to the rest of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. The quality of acute care in Korea is one of the best in the world. There is no sign of delayed diagnosis and/or treatment for most diseases. However, the NHI has been under-insured, requiring high-levels of out-of-pocket money from patients and often causing catastrophic medical expenses. Furthermore, the current environmental circumstances of the NHI are threatening its sustainability. Low birth rate decline, as well as slow economic growth, will make sustainment of the current healthcare system difficult in the near future. An aging population will increase the amount of medical expenditure required, especially with the baby-boomer generation of those born between 1955 and 1965. Meanwhile, there is always the problem of unification for the Korean Peninsula, and what role the health insurance system will have to play when it occurs. In the presidential election, health insurance is a main issue; however, there is greater focus on expansion and expenditure than revenue. Many aspects of Korea's NHI system (1977) were modeled after the German (1883) and Japanese (1922) systems. Such systems were created during an era where infections disease control was most urgent and thus, in the current non-communicable disease (NCD) era, must be redesigned. The Korean system, which is already forty years old, must be redesigned completely. Although health insurance benefit expansion is necessary, financial measures, as well as moral hazard control measures, must also be considered. Ultimately, there are three aspects that we must consider when attempting redesign of the system. First, the health security system must be reformed. NHI and Medical Aid must be amalgamated into one system for increased effectiveness and efficiency of the system. Within the single insurer system of the NHI must be an internal market for maximum efficiency. The NHIS must be separated into regions so that regional organizers have greater responsibility over their actions. Although insurance must continue to be imposed nationally, risk-adjustment must be distributed regionally and assessed by different regional systems. Second, as a solution for the decreasing flow of insurance revenue, low premium level must be increased to an appropriate level. Likewise, the national reserve fund (No. 36, National Health Insurance Act) must be enlarged for re-unification preparation. Third, there must be revolutionary reform of benefit package. The current system built a focus on communicable diseases which is inappropriate in this NCD era. Medical benefits must not be one-time events but provide chronic disease management. Chronic care models, accountable care organization, patient-centered medical homes, and other systems that introduce various benefit packages for beneficiaries must be implemented. The reimbursement system of medical costs should be introduced to various systems for different types of care, as is the case with part C (Medicare Advantage Program) of America's Medicare system that substitutes part A and part B. Pay for performance must be expanded so that there is not only improvement in quality of care but also medical costs. Moreover, beneficiaries of the NHI system must be aware of the amount of their expenditure through a deductible payment system so that spending can be profiled and monitored. The Moon Jae-in Government has announced its plans to expand the NHI system; however, it is important that a discussion forum is created so that more accurate analysis of the NHI, its environments, and current status of health care system, can take place for reforming NHI.

Southeast Asia and ASEAN in 2016: Disappointing Records and Increasing Uncertainty (동남아와 아세안 2016: 기대와 혼돈 속에 커져가는 불확실성)

  • SHIN, Yoon Hwan
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.1
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    • pp.95-129
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    • 2017
  • This study surveys and reviews political change, economic performance, and regional cooperation that were carried out in 2016 by Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN. This paper reports that what has followed the inauguration of new governments in Myanmar, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Laos fails to live up to the expectation and optimism that arose in the aftermath of elections and party congresses that took place in the first half of the year. In other countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Cambodia, where authoritarian regimes are faced with strong oppositions, the prospects for democratic change worsened to a substantial degree, as schisms and internal strives complicated the opposition camp as a result of instigation and intervention by the authoritarian leaders and their followers. In stable political systems, both democratic and authoritarian, no significant changes that may entail serious political implications were noticed. In 2016, the national economy of almost each and every country continued its slow but steady recovery that had started in 2014 and grew by 5% on the average. For 2017 onward, however, the earlier optimism that it would grow at least as fast dimmed down as uncertainty about the world economy looms larger due to the unexpected win by Donald Trump as U.S. president and the expected 'hard landing' of the Chinese economy around 2018. ASEAN declared the launch of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) only one day before the New Year, but its track record looked already bad and unpromising by the end of 2016. ASEAN leaders were tied up by their domestic politics and affairs too tightly to take time off to work seriously to observe the schedule as laid out in the AEC Blueprint 2025. Korea's relationship with Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN was "as good as it gets" in 2016 as ever but could become subject to tough review in the near future, if the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is found out to have been implicated in the ongoing Choi Sun Sil scandal and if the opposition wins the next presidential election to be held by this year.