The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.
The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.
Kimura's Disease is a chronic inflammatory and proliferative condition producing subcutaneous masses especially in the head and neck area. This report of our experience with 5 patients with this disease is the first in the Korean surgical literature. Kimura's Disease is thought to be part of the larger spectrum of the entity known as angiolymphoid hyperplasia with eosinophilia (ALHE). It is characterized pathologically by hyperplastic lymphoid follicles, eosinophilic infiltration, and vase 비 ar proliferation. It produces masses which are most common in the area of the parotid, submandibular gland and upper neck. These masses occupy the subcutaneous tissues but also extend into salivary tissue and into upper neck nodes. One of our patients had masses in the groin. The tumors are extremely vascular due to the presence of new proliferative vessels and sinusoids. The average age of our 5 patients was 35, but all but one case were younger than 38 years of age. The male: female ratio was 3 : 2, and the average duration of symptoms was 5,2years. All patients had peripheral blood eosinophilia. All had multiple masses, sometimes symmetrical. The management was surgery alone in one case, surgery and steroids in one case, surgery and radiotherapy in two cases, and all three modalities in one case. The relationship of this entity to ALHE and our experience in the management of this disease are presented. A clinicopathological discrepancy alerted us to the existence of Kimura's Disease. A nineteen-year old male presented with subcutaneous masses over both mastoid areas present for 3 years (Case III). When biopsy on each side was reported as 'eosinophilic granuloma' we submitted the slides to an internationally expert pathologist. Symmetrically occurring tumors in the peri-parotid subcutaneous areas did not fit any category of neoplasm or granuloma known to us. The diagnosis, made by Dr. Gist Fan at the Ochsner Clinic, was Kimura's Disease. We found two additional cases in a review of soft tissue eosinophilic granuloma previously reported at Presbyterian Medical Center, and since then have diagnosed two new cases. These five cases constitute the basis for this, the largest series to be reported in Korea. These vascular, tumor-like lesions of the skin, subcutaneous areas and subjacent structures of the head and neck have been a variety of names, such as angiolymphoid hyperplasia with eosinophilia, eosinophilic hyperplastic lymphogranuloma, angioblastic lymphoid hyperplasia with eosinophilia, histioid hemangioma, and epithelioid hemangioma. The history of this disease spectrum dates back to 1937 when Kimm and Szeto (1) reported 7 cases of 'eosinophilic hyperplastic lymphogranuloma' in the Proceedings of the Chinese Medical Journal. In 1948 Kimura and his associates(2) reported additional cases in Japan under the title 'On the unusual granulation combined with hyperplastic changes of lymphatic tissue.' From then until 1966 several hundred cases were reported in China and Japan. The first report from the West was by Wells and Whimster(3) in the British Journal of Dermatology, in 1969. These authors coined the term, angiolymphoid hyperplasia with eosinophilia (ALHE). Since that time a debate has ensued as to whether Kimura's Disease and ALHE are distinct entities, or whether Kimura's is part of the larger spectrum of ALHE, perhaps a later or advanced phase. From the clinical perspective, surgeons should be aware of the diagnosis of Kimura's Disease not only as part of the differential diagnosis of head and neck tumors but also because these lesions are indolent, and generally require conservative surgical removal as part of the management program. CASE I. A 37-year-old female company employee presented in August 1982 with submental swelling of 12 years' duration and with inguinal swelling of 7 years' duration. The submental mass measured 5x5cm. and the inguinal mass was 8x4cm. in size. Peripheral eosinophilia varying from 14% to 40% was found. On August 20, 1982, the submental mass was removed and a superficial groin dissection was done. In May 1983 an intraoral lesion of the palate was removed. The patient is free of disease. CASE II. A 23-year-old unemployed man visited this hospital for the first time in July, 1984, with swelling of the right cheek present for 6 years. The mass was soft and ill-defined but measured 10x20cm. and extended from the submandibular upper neck to the zygomatic arch, and from the mastoid to the cheek, over the parotid gland. Eosinophilia varying from 27% to 29% was noted in the peripheral blood. On March 21, 1986, the lesion was resected. The procedure comprised an extended superficial parotidectomy from the temporalis fascia to the upper neck. Post-operatively radiotherapy 3000 rad tissue dose was administered using the 6 MeV linear accelerator. The patient remains free of disease. CASE III. A 19-year-old student came to the clinic with masses over both mastoid areas, present 3 years. On the right there were two adjacent lesions, one over the mastoid, the other in the upper jugular level of the neck. On the left it was a single mass over the mastoid. Eosinophilia varied from 13 to 32% in the peripheral blood, and 11.6% in the bone marrow. Incisional biopsy revealed 'eosinophilic granuloma' and a trial of predisolone was employed. The mass increased in size so a small dose of radiation (600 rads) was used, with substantial regression,. The lesion on the left was excised and follwed by 1000 rads radiotherapy. Finally recurrent tumor on the right side was removed on November 5, 1985. The patient remains free of disease. CASE N. A 29-year-old local merchant had had swelling of both upper necks since childhood. At the time of his first visit on March 17, 1986, the right submandibular mass measured 5x3.5cm. and the ,right upper neck and parotid tail mass measured 2.5cm. On the left there were masses in the upper neck, the largest of which measured 2.5cm, and of the parotid tail, 2.0cm. in size.(See Fig. 1) Peripheral eosinophilia of 39% was recorded. Left side partial parotidectomy and resection of the upper neck and subdigstric mases was done on May 2, 1986. The mass involving the right parotid tail and upper neck nodes was removed on Angust 7,1986. Postoperatively the patient was placed on prednisolone 30 mg. per day. No definite masses are palpable. CASE V. A 66-year-old housewife informed us, at the time of her first visit in May, 1986, that she had had multiple neck masses since 10 years ago. On the right side there was a 2.5cm. subcutaneous mass of the upper neck, over the upper jugular chain. On the left there was a 9x4.5cm. mass involving the entire parotid, the post-auricular area and the upper neck. A third mass presented in the submental area and measured 3.5cm. (See Fig. 2) Eosinophilia of 51% was noted in the peripheral blood. partial excision of the left upper neck lesion and complete excision of the submental mass were performed on june 6, 1986. post-operatively she was placed on 20 mg. of prednisolone daily, but when the mass re-grew after two months she was referred to Radiation Therapy for a 2500 rad course of treatment. A barely palpable thickening remains.
The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).
Eighty dairy farms in Palmers ton North area in New Zealand were surveyed on 1) general characteristics (10 Questions), 2) milk yield and feed supplementary (7 questions), 3) reproductive efficiencies (12 questions) and 4) reproductive disorders (12 questions) by mail questions from February to July, 1998. Among those 4 items from 38 dairy farms (47.5%), especially in items 1) and 2), overall dairy farming situation, supplementary feeding and milk yields were surveyed and analyzed for Korean dairy farmers (especially in Cheju island) to have better understanding or higher economical gains. The results were as follows. 1. In dairy experience, 21 (45%) among 38 dairy farms surveyed were answered that farming less than 15 years, 15~19 year, 20~25 years and over 26 years experience were 3 (7.9%), 7 (18.4%), 6 (15.8%) and 5 (13.2%) which generally showed longer experience compare to Korean dairy farming situation. In survey of labour input and business goal of dairy farming, self-managing farms, sharemilkers, unpaid family manpowering farms, manager running farms, farms with hired worker, farms with part time helper and other type was 21 (55.3%), 10 (26.3%), 2 (3.5%), 3 (5.3%), 18 (31.6%), 2 (3.5%), and 1 (1.8%), respectively. 2. Analyzing pasture and tillable land, pasture according to feeding scale (200, 300 and 400 heads) were 56, 90 and 165.3 ha, and tillable lands were 51, 78 and 165 ha which showed some differences among feeding scale. In recording methods in 38 farms replied, 36 (95%) dairy handbook and 23 (70%) dual methods taking farms were higher than that of 10 (26.3%) computer and 15(39.5%) well-recorder methods. 3. Dairy waste processing facilities in environmental field were almost perfect except of metropolitan area, and so no problem was developed in its control so far. Hence, 26 farm (68.4%) of pond system was higher rather than those in 8 (21.2%) of using as organic manure after storing feces of dairy cattle, 1(2.6%) bunker system and 3 (7.9%) other type farms. 4. In milking facilities, 33 farms (86.9%) of Harringbone types were higher than those in 3 (7.9%) of Walkthrough types, 1 (2.6%) of Rotary system and other types. Although the construction facilities was not enough, this system show the world-leveled dairy country to attempted to elevate economic gains using the advantage of climatic condition. 5. In milking day and yearly yield per head, average 275 milking days and 87 drying days were longer than that of 228 average milking days in New Zealand. Annual total milk yield per head and milk solid (ms) was 3,990 kg and approximately 319 kg. Dairy milk solid (ms) per head, milk yield, fat percentage was 1.2 kg, 15.5 kg and average 4.83% which was much higher than in other country, and milk protein was average 3.75%. 6. In coclusion, Palmerstone North has been a center of dairy farming in New Zealand for the last 21 years. Their dairy farming history is 6~9 year longer than ours and the average number of milking cows per farm is 355, which is much greater than that (35) of Korea. They do not have dairy barn, but only milking parlors. Cows are taken care of by family 0.5 persons), are on a planned calving schedule in spring (93%) and milked for 240~280 days a year, avoiding winter. Cows are dried according to milk yield and body condition score. This management system is quite different from that of Korean dairy farms. Cows are not fed concentrates, relying entirely on pasture forages and the average milk yield per cow is 3,500 kg, which is about 1/2 milk yield of Korean dairy farms. They were bred to produce high fat milk with an average of 4.5%. Their milk production cost is the lowest in the world and the country's economy relies heavily on milk production. We Korean farmers may try to increase farming size, decreasing labor and management costs.
The data center is a physical environment facility for accommodating computer systems and related components, and is an essential foundation technology for next-generation core industries such as big data, smart factories, wearables, and smart homes. In particular, with the growth of cloud computing, the proportional expansion of the data center infrastructure is inevitable. Monitoring the health of these data center facilities is a way to maintain and manage the system and prevent failure. If a failure occurs in some elements of the facility, it may affect not only the relevant equipment but also other connected equipment, and may cause enormous damage. In particular, IT facilities are irregular due to interdependence and it is difficult to know the cause. In the previous study predicting failure in data center, failure was predicted by looking at a single server as a single state without assuming that the devices were mixed. Therefore, in this study, data center failures were classified into failures occurring inside the server (Outage A) and failures occurring outside the server (Outage B), and focused on analyzing complex failures occurring within the server. Server external failures include power, cooling, user errors, etc. Since such failures can be prevented in the early stages of data center facility construction, various solutions are being developed. On the other hand, the cause of the failure occurring in the server is difficult to determine, and adequate prevention has not yet been achieved. In particular, this is the reason why server failures do not occur singularly, cause other server failures, or receive something that causes failures from other servers. In other words, while the existing studies assumed that it was a single server that did not affect the servers and analyzed the failure, in this study, the failure occurred on the assumption that it had an effect between servers. In order to define the complex failure situation in the data center, failure history data for each equipment existing in the data center was used. There are four major failures considered in this study: Network Node Down, Server Down, Windows Activation Services Down, and Database Management System Service Down. The failures that occur for each device are sorted in chronological order, and when a failure occurs in a specific equipment, if a failure occurs in a specific equipment within 5 minutes from the time of occurrence, it is defined that the failure occurs simultaneously. After configuring the sequence for the devices that have failed at the same time, 5 devices that frequently occur simultaneously within the configured sequence were selected, and the case where the selected devices failed at the same time was confirmed through visualization. Since the server resource information collected for failure analysis is in units of time series and has flow, we used Long Short-term Memory (LSTM), a deep learning algorithm that can predict the next state through the previous state. In addition, unlike a single server, the Hierarchical Attention Network deep learning model structure was used in consideration of the fact that the level of multiple failures for each server is different. This algorithm is a method of increasing the prediction accuracy by giving weight to the server as the impact on the failure increases. The study began with defining the type of failure and selecting the analysis target. In the first experiment, the same collected data was assumed as a single server state and a multiple server state, and compared and analyzed. The second experiment improved the prediction accuracy in the case of a complex server by optimizing each server threshold. In the first experiment, which assumed each of a single server and multiple servers, in the case of a single server, it was predicted that three of the five servers did not have a failure even though the actual failure occurred. However, assuming multiple servers, all five servers were predicted to have failed. As a result of the experiment, the hypothesis that there is an effect between servers is proven. As a result of this study, it was confirmed that the prediction performance was superior when the multiple servers were assumed than when the single server was assumed. In particular, applying the Hierarchical Attention Network algorithm, assuming that the effects of each server will be different, played a role in improving the analysis effect. In addition, by applying a different threshold for each server, the prediction accuracy could be improved. This study showed that failures that are difficult to determine the cause can be predicted through historical data, and a model that can predict failures occurring in servers in data centers is presented. It is expected that the occurrence of disability can be prevented in advance using the results of this study.
Thecodiplosis japonesis is sweeping the Pinus densiflora forests from south-west to north-east direction, destroying almost all the aged large trees as well as even the young ones. The front line of infestation is moving slowly but ceaselessly norhwards as a long bottle front. Estimation is that more than 40 percent of the area of P. densiflora forest has been damaged already, however some individuals could escapes from the damage and contribute to restore the site to the previous vegetation composition. When the stands were attacked by this insect, the drastic openings of the upper story of tree canopy formed by exclusively P. densiflora are usually resulted and some environmental factors such as light, temperature, litter accumulation, soil moisture and offers were naturally modified. With these changes after insect invasion, as the time passes, phytosociologic changes of the vegetation are gradually proceeding. If we select the forest according to four categories concerning the history of the insect outbreak, namely, non-attacked (healthy forest), recently damaged (the outbreak occured about 1-2 years ago), severely damaged (occured 5-6 years ago), damage prolonged (occured 10 years ago) and restored (occured about 20 years ago), any directional changes of vegetation composition could be traced these in line with four progressive stages. To elucidate these changes, three survey districts; (1) "Gongju" where the damage was severe and it was outbroken in 1977, (2) "Buyeo" where damage prolonged and (3) "Gochang" as restored, were set, (See Tab. 1). All these were located in the south temperate forest zone which was delimited mainly due to the temporature factor and generally accepted without any opposition at present. In view of temperature, the amount and distribution of precipitation and various soil factor, the overall homogeneity of environmental conditions between survey districts might be accepted. However this did not mean that small changes of edaphic and topographic conditions and microclimates can induce any alteration of vegetation patterns. Again four survey plots were set in each district and inter plot distance was 3 to 4 km. And again four subplots were set within a survey plot. The size of a subplot was