• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.14
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• pp.125-158
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• 2012

After liberation from Japanese colonial rule in 1945, there was the three-year period of United States Army Military Government in Korea. In 1948, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and Republic of Korea were established in the north and south of the Korean Peninsula. The Republic of Korea is now a modern state set in the southern part of the Korean. We usually refer to Koreans as people who belong to the Republic of Korea. Can we say that is true exactly? Why make of this an obsolete question? The period from 1945 when Korea was emancipated from Japanese colonial rule to 1948 when the Republic of Korea was established has not been a focus of modern Korean history. This three years remains empty in Korean history and makes the concept of 'Korean' we usually consider ambiguous, and prompts careful attention to the silence of 'some Koreans' forced to live against their will in the blurred boundaries between nation and people. This dissertation regards 'Koreans' who came to live in the border of nations, especially 'Korean-Japanese third generation women artists'who are marginalized both Japan and Korea. It questions the category of 'Korean women's art' that has so far been considered, based on the concept of territory, and presents a new perspective for viewing 'Korean women's art'. Almost no study on Korean-Japanese women's art has been conducted, based on research on Korean diaspora, and no systematic historical records exist. Even data-collection is limited due to the political situation of South and North in confrontation. Representation of the Mother Country on the Artworks by First and Second-Generation Korean-Japanese(Zainich) Women Artists after Liberation since 1945 was published in 2011 is the only dissertation in which Korean-Japanese women artists, and early artistic activities. That research is based on press releases and interviews obtained through Japan. This thesis concentrates on the world of Korean-Japanese third generation women artists such as Kim Jung-sook, Kim Ae-soon, and Han Sung-nam, permanent residents in Japan who still have Korean nationality. The three Korean-Japanese third generation women artists whose art world is reviewed in this thesis would like to reveal their voices as minorities in Japan and Korea, resisting power and the universal concepts of nation, people and identity. Questioning the general notions of 'Korean women' and 'Korean women's art'considered within the Korean Peninsula, they explore their identity as Korean women outside the Korean territory from a post-territorial perspective and have a new understanding of the minority's diversity and difference through their eyes as marginal women living outside the mainstream of Korean and Japanese society. This is associated with recent post-colonial critical viewpoints reconsidering myths of universalism and transcendental aesthetic measures. In the 1980s and 1990s art museums and galleries in New York tried a critical shift in aesthetic discourse on contemporary art history, analyzed how power relationships among such elements as gender, sexuality, race, nationalism. Ghost of Ethnicity: Rethinking Art Discourses of the 1940s and 1980s by Lisa Bloom is an obvious presentation about the post-colonial discourse. Lisa Bloom rethinks the diversity of race, ethnicity, sexuality, and gender each artist and critic has, she began a new discussion on artists who were anti-establishment artists alienated by mainstream society. As migration rapidly increased through globalism lead by the United States the aspects of diaspora experience emerges as critical issues in interpreting contemporary culture. As a new concept of art with hybrid cultural backgrounds exists, each artist's cultural identity and specificity should be viewed and interpreted in a sociopolitical context. A criticism started considering the distinct characteristics of each individual's historical experience and cultural identity, and paying attention to experience of the third world artist, especially women artists, confronting the power of modernist discourses from a perspective of the white male subject. Considering recent international contemporary art, the Korean-Japanese third generation women artists who clarify their cultural identity as minority living in the border between Korea and Japan may present a new direction for contemporary Korean art. Their art world derives from their diaspora experience on colonial trauma historically. Their works made us to see that it is also associated with postcolonial critical perspective in the recent contemporary art stream. And it reminds us of rethinking the diversity of the minority living outside mainstream society. Thus, this should be considered as one of the features in the context of Korean women's art.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.35
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• pp.359-385
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• 2009

The study aims to investige how Soupjin, military training has been changed in early Joseon Dynasty. The conclusions are following these. First, Jin means military marching or attacking the enemy and Jinbeop means how to make Jin or traning but now Jinbeop indicates textbook of Jinbeop rather than practing it. Second, publishing Owijinbeop is completed as a result of continuous series of Jinbeop textbook and Owi systems are built up by military construction reorganization. Third, the total number of articles is 268 from Taejo to Seonjo in early Joseon Dynasty. They are divided into different parts according to kings. Forth, Taejo, Taejong, Munjong, Sejo, Yejong and Jungjong are the kings who take the lead of Jinbeop training directly. Among them Munjong and Sejo are highly considered that they edited and revised Sinjinbeop and tried to unify military organization. Besides Jungjong discussed Jinbeop textbooks which are published by prior kings and even make them be practiced. But after Imjinwaeran, Seonjo accepted the book Gihyosinseo by Cheokgyegwang in China and transformed our Jinbeop for protecting the country. Firth, We found that Hyangmyung and Jintoigyjak had been focused from Sejo to Jungjong. Because in this period Joseon had to find the way to protect the country from north Yeojin, But after Imjinwaeran Seonjo introduced Cheokgyegwang's Jeolgangjinbeop in China because of Japanese attacks.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.297-317
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• 1994

This study demonstrates the changes in the spatial organization of Korea by the construction of Seoul-Pusan railroad. This Seoul-Pusan line, which is the most important one in Korea was constructed in 1905. The original plan of the line was selected to cross the main traditional roads to control the entire Korean peninsular and to mobilize the Korean commercial potentials. It was the line to exploit the staples and to expand the Japanese market in Korea. In accordance with the contracts between Japan and Korean government, Korean government had to supply the lands for railroad, office, and service facilities. That was one of the important reasons that Korean government had been broken down. The main findings of this study are as follows: 1. The Seoul-Pusan railroad line was constructed Japanese colonial policy which emphasized three main purposes; the first was to reorganize the economic space and to collapse the traditional Korean markets for Japanese ruling, and the second was to find out the military supply routes, and the third was to search for the transcontinental line for China and Siberia. As the results, the old Korean pedestrian routes, which were the Eastern, the mid, the westren, and the Samnam route lost their functions. 2. Japanese requested for Korean government usually ten times of wider space for the site of stations than the needed one. The land was expropriated, and constructed the new centers aparted from the original Korean towns. In this process Japanese got the most developmental and windfall profits. The newly constructed centers were for Japanese immigration and the town service facilities which would be used to control the Korean financial market. At last, they easily converted the Korean spatial economy into Japanese colonial one, which made to reinforce the sphere of Seoul-Pusan line. 3. Japanese planned the stations as the central points in Korea. So the railroad stations were located apart from the centers of towns, to avoid the Korean resistances, and to maximize their profits. The mean distance from staiton to 'the town center is about 1km while the Japanese case is 0.6km. 4. The pattern of present Korean railroads is not the 'X type'. Because the Honam line is not the trunk one. So, we could call the Korean railroad pattern as the 'Ip(Chinese character 入) type' . The operational effects of Seoul-Pusan line brought out the concentration of the national economy to this line as Japanese planned. And the polorization had occurred between this line and the other parts of Korea. For twenty years (1910-1930), the transported freights were increased about 5 times. In 1930, the total freight of Seoul-Pusan line became 2, 010, 444 metric tons. If we examine this process, the underconstructing Seoul-Pusan express electric railroad should avoid adjacent this line to reduce the regional and ecological imbalance. 5. The forms of centers on the Seoul-Pusan line were classified into six types in relation to station, town center, and built-up area; the compact (integrated) type, the elongated one, the splited (independent) one, the absorbed one, the consolidated one, and the declined one. All types of these towns might be developed in accordance with the centrality, railroad function, and the other transportational functions. 6. The Seoul-Pusan line plays the most important role among Korean railroads but the ratio of passenger and freight become lower because the effiects of other inaugurated railoads the different transportation modes such as trucks and cars would be got more merits in competition. 7. The results of cluster analyses on the cities of railroad stations showed the rudimentary urban systems in 1910 and 1930. In 1930, the cities were classified into three groups; the group of small cites, the intermediate (developing) city-group, and the special city-group. In 1930s the spatial organization and urban system of Korea were similar to the present ones. We call appreciate that these were the effects of the Seoul-Pusan line.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Rural Architecture
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.72-79
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• 2006

This study is to find out formation and development process of urban area in modern ages(1870-1949) focused Yanji city in the east-northern area in china. After the discharge of confinement in the late 19 century, the settlements were formed around east area, that is, the present Yanji urban area. The japanese consular office had been moved in east area since the beginning of the early 20 century, and so, the existing residents moved to west area. And the military and administrative facilities were located on the urban outskirts. After the September 18th Incident on 1932, Yanji had been constructed with the strategic center area under the urban planning. The administrative facilities of those days had been altered to he functional branches and educational facilities, and become the basis of development of Yanji city.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Navigation and Port Research Conference
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• v.2
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• pp.27-31
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• 2006

With the fast developing pace, the Galileo system is entering the navigation stage with high profile. At the same time, U.S. is accelerating his GPS modernization schedule, and Russian also begins to resuscitate their GLONASS. Moreover, Chinese Beidou system has also joined the satellite navigation family with low profile already. And of course Japanese QZSS even moves forward. Along with the bitter competition in technology, finance, market and even military affairs, all these systems will firmly benefit each other and massively extend the role of civil satellite navigation industry in the future. The Global Navigation Satellite Systems (GNSS) would be almost certain to include above major satellite navigation systems. Thus how to utilize the navigation satellite resource for world peace and promote the progress of mankind should be the key issue of this century.

• Electronics and Telecommunications Trends
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.61-71
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• 2021

Navigation satellite systems (GPS, GLONASS etc.) provide three main services, i.e., positioning for location based services, navigation for multi-modal transportation services, and timing for communication and critical infrastructure services. They were started as military systems but were extended to civil service. Navigation satellite navigation system began with GPS in the USA and GLONASS in Russia at nearly the same time. Indian NavIC and Chines BDS announced their FOCs in 2016 and 2020, respectively and European Galileo and Japanese QZSS are catching up others. In these days, Navigation Satellite System, Positioning, Navigation, and Timing services are part of our daily life very closely. They are required for autonomous driving car, Unmanned vehicles like UAV, UGV, and UMV, 5G/6G telecommunications, world financial system, power system, survey, agriculture, and so on. The services among navigation satellite systems are very competitive and also cooperative one another. This article describes the status of these systems and evolution in the technical and service senses, which may be helpful for planning korea positioning system(KPS).

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.8
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• pp.49-168
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• 2010

Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.33 no.5
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• pp.363-370
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• 2017

The aim of this study was to obtain information about two early-20th Century clothes, for which the "National Memorial Museum of Forced Mobilization under Japanese Occupation" has sought to receive preservation treatment. Optical microscopes and a scanning electron microscope were used to investigate the weaving of the clothes, and Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy(FT-IR) was used to investigate the fibers. Cloth A is believed to be a Japanese half sleeved inner wear(Hanjuban) used by women. Cloth B is believed to be working clothing that was checked by an Osaka plant. This was verified by a book written by the Japanese army. Both of the clothes were made mostly from cotton, although the inner wear also used viscose rayon on the neck collar. The button on the working wear was made of urea formaldehyde resin, an early precursor to plastic.

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.318-346
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• 2017

Currently, security environmental instability is getting worse than ever in the East Asia including to Republic of Korea(ROK). Unlike several conventional issues such as maritime dispute -sometimes with islands- and competitions for getting natural resources, contemporary security dilemma issues followed by arms races among states deepens the power gap between strong and weak state within the region. It is notable that the arms races is the East Asia are mainly focused on naval power. As navy is the very possible force that influences neighboring states, submarine power is usually valued for its nature of stealth, mobile and aggression. Moreover, the submarine power is believed to be one of the highest valued weapon system since it shows actual effectiveness for influencing the other states while avoiding direct military conflicts compared to surface power. As a result, all states within the region are accelerating for getting such power these days. Japan, Most of all, is one of the leading state that aims to ensure self-survival and enlarge military influences under the US-Japan alliance by decisively supporting its power to the American containment strategy against China. In this regard, such movement surely sill influence on ROK both directly and indirectly as we sue the common field, the sea. Though, it has lots of restrictions for us to confront them with military forces as such confrontations within US-led alliances is not desirable upon considering current China and nK threats. As a result, ROK needs to limit the realm of alliance within the region while maintaining ROK-US alliance for getting national interests with both legal and justice superiority against Japan. This paper, as a result, is focused on suggesting the way to utilize submarines as a mean of naval power for both current security environments and the rising maritime threats in the East Asia. I concluded to participate ROK submarines in US-led military strategy against China by dispatching them into the East-China Sea and the North-East area of the Korean peninsula to protect both national interests and justice at the same tome. It should be one of the preemptive measure for confronting with neighboring states by utilizing strategic benefits of submarines while strengthening ROK-US alliances upon participating American Containment Strategy against China.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.175-209
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• 2020

This paper examines how the cinematic representation of the Japanese military "comfort women" stimulates 'imagination' in the realm of everyday life and in the memory of the masses, creating a common awareness and affect. The history of the Japanese military "comfort women" was hidden for a long time, and it was not until the 1990s that it entered the field of public recognition. Such a transition can be attributed to the external and internal chronopolitics that made possible the testimony of the victims and the discourse of the "comfort women" issue. It shows the peculiar status of the comfort women history as 'politics of time'. In the same vein, the cinematic representations of the Japanese military "comfort women" can be found in similar chronopolitics. The 'comfort women' films have shown the dual time frame of the continuity and discontinuity of the 'silence'. In Korean film history, the chronotope of the reproduction of "comfort women" can be divided into four phases: 1) the fictional representations of "comfort women" before the 1990s 2) documentaries in the late 1990s as the work of testimony and history writing, 3) melodramatic transformation in the feature films in the 2000s, and 4) the diffusion of media and categories. The purpose of this article is to focus on the first phase and the third phase in which the issue of 'comfort women' is represented in the category of popular fiction films. While the "comfort women" representations before 1990 were strictly adhering to the framework of commercial movies and pursued the sexual exploitation of "comfort women" history, the recent films since the 2000s are experimenting with various attempts in the style of popular imagination. Especially, the emergence of 'comfort women' feature films in the 2000s, such as Spirit's Homecoming, I Can Speak, and Herstory, raise various questions as to whether we are "properly" aware of issues and how to remember and present the "cultural memory" of comfort women. Also, focusing on the cinematic representation strategies of the 2000s "comfort women", this article discusses the popular politics of melodrama, the representation of victims and violence, and the feature of 'comfort women' as meta-memory. As a melodramatic imagination and meta-memory for the historical trauma, the "comfort women" drama shows the historical, political, and aesthetic gateways to which the "comfort women" problem must pass. As we have seen in recent fiction films, the issue of "comfort women" goes beyond transnational relations between Korea and Japan; it demands a postcolonial task to dismantle the old colonial structure and explores a transnational project in which women's movements and human rights movements are linked internationally.