• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.7 no.5
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• pp.982-991
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• 2006

The screen quota system is one of the most controversial issues in the Korean film industry. There are two different points of view regarding the system. Some say it is highly effective to protect and nurture Korean movies. However, others argue that it hurts the duality of the Korean movies. The number of days, for which Korean movies have to play on local screens, has been reduced to 73, starting on July 1st, 2006. Actually, it is 50 percent fewer than the previous year. In facL Korea has implemented the screen quota. system two times. First, it was practiced from 1935 to 1945, during the Japanese colonial period. This was to regulate imported movies, especially American ones, as the Japanese government was to use movies for the political propaganda. In 1935, the number of foreign movies screened had to be less than three fourths of the total. And they gradually reduced the size by two thirds in 1936, and again by half in 1937. After the attack on Pearl Harbor when the Pacific War happened, Japan completely banned importing American movies in Korea. The reason why it regulated the imported foreign films is to increase the number of domestic movies, both Japanese and Korean. It was for making propaganda films fur carrying the war. The second practice of the screen quota is from 1967 to the present year. It was designed to boom the Korean film industry. However, the competitive power of Korean films has not been improved in spite of the practice of the system. Moreover, the film industry has gone through the depression. Korean film agencies have occupied the Korean film market thanks to the protection by government. The founding of the film agencies has been strongly regulated. So has importing foreign movies. Under the special protection like this, Korean film agencies have been enjoying the monopoly In the mean time, they have pursued income not by making quality movies but by importing foreign movies. As a result, cinema audiences turn away form Korean films and prefer foreign movies. Furthermore, the screen quota system hurts the relationship between film producers and distributors, imposing the duties only on theaters. In short, the screen quota system has satisfied neither film producers, theater runners, nor film goers. In other words. the excessive protection has weakened the competitive power of Korean film industry.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.193-212
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• 2018

This paper attempts to explore how Ang Lee depicts Asian and Western women in his films. We focus on two parts of his consciousness First, Ang Lee does not consider himself a feminist, he understands the world in terms of women who play societal roles. Second, Ang Lee's films reflect his identity in a juxtaposition model, in which he is a member of mainstream American society and also holds an onlooker's viewpoint at the same time. He depicts women, who are often marginalized or considered the minority, and their feminist ideals, as means that break down the authority of the father and the man, the traditional ideology, and the male dominant nationalism. Chinese women in movies divide apart traditional Chinese patriarchal ideology and male-dominated anti-Japanese sentiments. Also, the Western women in his films reveal the non-stereotypical appearance of Western society in the 1970s and 1980s, with daily tension, anxiety, abdominal pain and anger, silence and anxiety about homosexual husbands, and excessive obsession. The director's portrayal of women not only separates the male-centered and Western-centered discourse, but also reveals a self-division of internalized masculine patriarchal Asian thought consciousness.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.53-98
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• 2021

This paper examines the ways in which Hollywood feature films produced and widely circulated with the establishment of the studio system was consumed in the ethnically segregated Korean movie theaters in Kyǒngsǒng in the 1920s. Focusing on how those theaters appropriated what Hollywood represented, this paper has three objectives. First, from a historical and economic perspective, I will historicize the emergence of so-called prestige pictures and how movies became a branded product in that process. Second, I will also loot at how Chosǒn Theater, one of the earliest movie theaters in the Korean-resident area in Kyǒngsǒng who sought to be a prestigious movie palace actively exploited Hollywood brand, by foregrounding its Paramount connection, in particular. Lastly, through a close reading of weekly programmes and handbills, I will examine how these promotional print materials, as an intermediating medium, helped to supplement the audiences' viewing of Hollywood movies while creating loyal audiences.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.124-136
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• 2011

In landscape architecture, plants play an important role in realizing the intention of the architect and user- behavior as well as an ecology and appearance of the space for them. However, it is true that many researches have focused on ecological characteristics of plants, their cultivation environment and symbolic meanings in traditional terms, while relatively few for the analysis of the aspects of each period through plants. For this, cherry trees that we often see around are selected and their introduction, propagation, development and symbolism from the view of chronicle are studied and the results are followings; Firstly, three-year seedlings of 1,500 pieces of cherry tree from Osaka and Tokyo were planted for the first time in Oieseongdae, Namsan Park, Seoul. Since then, they had been widely planted at traditional sites, modern parks, newly-constructed roads for street trees, and for this, the Japanese Government-General of Chosun had actively supported by its direct cultivation and selling of cherry trees. The spread of cherry trees planted raised the question of whether or not Prunus yedoensis is originated from Jeju Island. Secondly, such massive and artificial planting of them had become attractions over the time and mass media at that time also had actively promoted it. And such trend made the day and night picnic under the cherry blossoms one of the most representative cultures of enjoying spring in Seoul. Thirdly, although general people enjoyed cherry blossoms, but they had dual view and attitude for cherry trees, which were well expressed in their use of them: for example, cherry blossoms, aeng and sakura were used altogether for same meaning, but night aeng or night picnic under cherry blossoms were especially used instead of yojakura when mentioning just pleasure, which meant some saw night enjoying cherry blossoms a low culture. Fourth, symbolic space of Chosun had been transformed into the space for enjoyment and consumption. Anyone who paid entrance fee could enjoy performance of revugirl, cinema and entertainment along with enjoying cherry blossoms. The still-existing strict differentiation of enjoyment culture by social status, class and ethnicity was dismantled from that trend and brought about a kind of disorder. From this, we could find that cherry blossoms had made a great contribution to the change of traditional enjoyment culture over the Japanese colonial period and become a popular spring enjoyment.