The numerous changes made during the Japanese colonial rule became the basis of the current housing in Korea. Therefore, in order to understand the modern Korean housing, it is essential to understand what the Korean traditional life styles admitted or changed, and how the foreign culture of that time influenced the Korean housing under the Japanese colonial rule. Content analysis through literature review was utilized for the study, and specific sources were research papers, books, magazines, newspapers, and novels. The period during the Japanese invasion was the most active era of modernization in the Korean history. For the housing culture, especially, it can be considered as the most significant period that accepted new housing cultures that replaced the old traditional housing. The Japanese and the Western styles of housing were introduced, new materials and collective production methods were used, and the symbol of the current urban housing in Korea, multi-family dwelling, was constructed. In conclusion, the Koreans did not directly use the Japanese and western housing culture, which were constructed during the Japanese colonial period. They were adapted and altered into Korean style, and eventually, produced various eclectic housing styles.
After liberation from Japanese colonial rule in 1945, there was the three-year period of United States Army Military Government in Korea. In 1948, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and Republic of Korea were established in the north and south of the Korean Peninsula. The Republic of Korea is now a modern state set in the southern part of the Korean. We usually refer to Koreans as people who belong to the Republic of Korea. Can we say that is true exactly? Why make of this an obsolete question? The period from 1945 when Korea was emancipated from Japanese colonial rule to 1948 when the Republic of Korea was established has not been a focus of modern Korean history. This three years remains empty in Korean history and makes the concept of 'Korean' we usually consider ambiguous, and prompts careful attention to the silence of 'some Koreans' forced to live against their will in the blurred boundaries between nation and people. This dissertation regards 'Koreans' who came to live in the border of nations, especially 'Korean-Japanese third generation women artists'who are marginalized both Japan and Korea. It questions the category of 'Korean women's art' that has so far been considered, based on the concept of territory, and presents a new perspective for viewing 'Korean women's art'. Almost no study on Korean-Japanese women's art has been conducted, based on research on Korean diaspora, and no systematic historical records exist. Even data-collection is limited due to the political situation of South and North in confrontation. Representation of the Mother Country on the Artworks by First and Second-Generation Korean-Japanese(Zainich) Women Artists after Liberation since 1945 was published in 2011 is the only dissertation in which Korean-Japanese women artists, and early artistic activities. That research is based on press releases and interviews obtained through Japan. This thesis concentrates on the world of Korean-Japanese third generation women artists such as Kim Jung-sook, Kim Ae-soon, and Han Sung-nam, permanent residents in Japan who still have Korean nationality. The three Korean-Japanese third generation women artists whose art world is reviewed in this thesis would like to reveal their voices as minorities in Japan and Korea, resisting power and the universal concepts of nation, people and identity. Questioning the general notions of 'Korean women' and 'Korean women's art'considered within the Korean Peninsula, they explore their identity as Korean women outside the Korean territory from a post-territorial perspective and have a new understanding of the minority's diversity and difference through their eyes as marginal women living outside the mainstream of Korean and Japanese society. This is associated with recent post-colonial critical viewpoints reconsidering myths of universalism and transcendental aesthetic measures. In the 1980s and 1990s art museums and galleries in New York tried a critical shift in aesthetic discourse on contemporary art history, analyzed how power relationships among such elements as gender, sexuality, race, nationalism. Ghost of Ethnicity: Rethinking Art Discourses of the 1940s and 1980s by Lisa Bloom is an obvious presentation about the post-colonial discourse. Lisa Bloom rethinks the diversity of race, ethnicity, sexuality, and gender each artist and critic has, she began a new discussion on artists who were anti-establishment artists alienated by mainstream society. As migration rapidly increased through globalism lead by the United States the aspects of diaspora experience emerges as critical issues in interpreting contemporary culture. As a new concept of art with hybrid cultural backgrounds exists, each artist's cultural identity and specificity should be viewed and interpreted in a sociopolitical context. A criticism started considering the distinct characteristics of each individual's historical experience and cultural identity, and paying attention to experience of the third world artist, especially women artists, confronting the power of modernist discourses from a perspective of the white male subject. Considering recent international contemporary art, the Korean-Japanese third generation women artists who clarify their cultural identity as minority living in the border between Korea and Japan may present a new direction for contemporary Korean art. Their art world derives from their diaspora experience on colonial trauma historically. Their works made us to see that it is also associated with postcolonial critical perspective in the recent contemporary art stream. And it reminds us of rethinking the diversity of the minority living outside mainstream society. Thus, this should be considered as one of the features in the context of Korean women's art.
The late $19^{th}$ and early $20^{th}$ centuries of Korea were the times when the Confucianism (牲理學) ideology was shaken heavily under the influences of modernism and capitalism by Western and Japanese military and political-economic forces. Under such circumstances, alteration of clothing was much influenced by ideologies than changes in social structure or technological advance. In this study, an ideology was defined as "the force which drives people into a particular social order". Ideologies were postulated as an ongoing process of socialization with dialectic features rather than being a static state. Comparative analyses on conflict structures and different clothing patterns symbolizing the ideologies of the Ruling (支配) and the Opposition (對抗) were conducted. Investigating dresses as representations of ideologies is to reconsider the notion of dichotomous confrontation between the conservatives (守舊派) and the progressives (開化派) and a recognition of Koreans' passively accepting modernity during the Japanese occupation. This may also have contributed to enlightening Koreans about modernization. Here are the results. First, the theoretical review found that ideologies were represented by not only symbols of discourse, but also dresses, and that dresses embodied both physical and conceptual systems presenting differences between ideologies and their natures, Second, during the late 19th century Korea, conflict between conservatives' Hanbok (韓服) and progressives' Western suits (洋服) was found. Moderate progressives showed their identity by "Colored Clothing" (深色衣), and radical progressives by black suits with short hair (黑衣斷髮) or by western suits (洋服). The ultimate goal of both parties was a "Modern Nation". With these efforts, pale jade green coats and traditional hats symbolizing the nobleman class was eliminated within 30 years from 1880 to 1910, and then simple robes and short hair emerged. However, the powerful Japanese army had taken over the hegemony of East Asia, and Korea was sharply divided into modernization and pro-Japanese camps. Third, during the time of Japanese colonial rule, the dress codes having set by the modernization policies during the time of enlightenment were abandoned and colonial uniforms for the colonial system was meticulously introduced. During this period, Western or Japanese-style uniforms were the symbol of the ruling ideology. In the mean time, Hanbok, particularly "White Clothing (白衣)", emerged as a representation of the opposition ideology. However, due to Japan's coercive power and strong zeal for "Great orient (大東亞)", white clothing remained as a mere symbol. Meanwhile, Reformists (實力養成論者) movement toward improving quality of life followed a similar path of the Japanese policies and was eventually incorporated into the ruling ideology. Fourth, dresses as representations of ruling ideologies were enforced by organizational powers, such as organizations and laws, and binding policies, and changes in such dresses were more significant when the ruling ideologies were stronger. Clothing of the opposition ideology was expressed as an aggregation of public consciousness. During the period, the subjects of ruling ideology and the objects who were granted modernization benefits were different although their drives for colored clothing with short hair (色衣斷髮) for modernization were similar.
Improvements in various health indices have been ushered in, along with soaring economic growth in the last few decades in Korea. Life span of Koreans at present stands at somewhere around age of seventies. It seems of worth to elucidate some facets of health profile of historic Koreans during Yi dynasty encompassing about five hundreds years between the 14th and 19th century. Datas on health of historic Koreans are meager with exception for sovereigns for whom royal archives have been preserved intact through centuries. Though the health environments for monarchs are, no doubt, incomparable to that of the grassroot levels during the same period, health profile of monarchs would facilitate to assess health indices for historic Koreans during Yi dynasty. Arithmetic average of life span of 25 consecutive Kings(omitted the last two Kings under Japanese control) is 44.6 years of age 81 year old for King Yongjo and 16 year old for King Danjong, representing two extremes. The principal causes of death are septicemia, subsequent to infections of soft tissue and ether organs(8 in number, one-thirds of all). Secondly, both epidemic disease and vascular accidents caused deaths of three Kings each. Two kings succumbed to diabets and one suicide. The causes for the remainder, eight kings are hardly ciarified. The monarchs who contributed in establishment of new Yi dynasty with highspirited and disciplined survied beyond their fifties and sixties. In contrast, those who reigned during mid - era of the dynasty at its culmination succumbed to death in their young adulthood, most likely due to their indulgence in court life.
This study was conducted to find out the successive habitual practice of dietary life and all the educational tasks for the purpose of activating with female college students in Korea and Japan. The reesults are as follows. Housewives in both countries prepare ${\ulcorner}the\;same\;menu{\lrcorner}$ for dinner about 65%. ${\ulcorner}The\;rate\;of\;domestic\;manufacturing\;of\;preservated\;food\;{\lrcorner}$ is superior in Korea. ${\ulcorner}Goch'ujang{\lrcorner}$ is made by the 92% of Koreans, ${\ulcorner}Doenjang{\lrcorner}\;89%,\;{\ulcorner}Ganjang{\lrcorner}\;48%,\;{\ulcorner}Oiji{\lrcorner}\;44%\;and\;{\ulcorner}Kimchi{\lrcorner}\;40%.\;{\ulcorner}Umeboshi{\lrcorner}$ is made by the 65% of Japanese, ${\ulcorner}Rakkyo-Zuke{\lrcorner}\;37%,\;{\ulcorner}Kajitsu-syu{\lrcorner}\;40%,\;and\;{\ulcorner}Miso{\lrcorner}$ 27%. Two countries' common seasonings are ${\ulcorner}Ganjang{\lrcorner},\;{\ulcorner}Salt{\lrcorner},\;{\ulcorner}Chemical\;condiment{\lrcorner},\;{\ulcorner}Sugar{\lrcorner},\;{\ulcorner}Pepper{\lrcorner},\;{\ulcorner}Doenjang${\lrcorner}\;and\;{\ulcorner}Vinegar{\lrcorner}$. Koreans use the traditional seasonings, and in addition flavoring vegetables and oil which is Korea's own characteristic. Japanese use western seasonings frequently besides traditional seasonings. ${\ulcorner}Mother's\;representative\;food{\lrcorner}$ as home dish are conscentrated on each count's native food. ${\ulcorner}Kimch'i\;lyu{\lrcorner}$ is made by the 42% of Koreans, ${\ulcorner}Doenjangchigae{\lrcorner}\;39%,\;{\ulcorner}Dakgangjong{\lrcorner}\;31%,\;and\;{\ulcorner}Saongsonmaeuntang{\lrcorner}\;19%.\;{\ulcorner}Misoshiru{\lrcorner}$ is made by the 83% of Japanese, ${\ulcorner}Nishime{\lrcorner}\;76%\;and\;{\ulcorner}Nikujaga{\lrcorner}$ 38%. Korea has more diverse kinds of food. People eat out ${\ulcorner}when\;they\;have\;special\;home \;events{\lrcorner},\;{\ulcorner}when\;they\;would\;like\;to\;do{\lrcorner},\;and\;{\ulcorner}when\;they\;are\;going\;out{\lrcorner}$, It means that to eat out is one of the daily dinning styles. Therefore, for those who are engaged in eating house business it is necessary to form their righteous view of evaluation. Koreans learn more various items of table manner than Japan, which are the symbols of dietary culture. ${\ulcorner}Carriage{\lrcorner}\;and\;{\ulcorner}Eating\;politely{\lrcorner}$ are common items. The extent to which ${\ulcorner}people\;practice\;table\;manner{\lrcorner}$ and to which ${\ulcorner}people\;think\;of\;it\;as\;being\;worth\;practicing{\lrcorner}$ are high in Japan than Korea.
Annual changes of nutrient intakes of Koreans and Japanese were compared on the basis of the data from the National Nutrition Survey which has been carried out annually in Korea (1969-1988) and in Japan (1950-1988) for the guide of the future food and nutrition policy. Intakes of all nutrients except carbohydrate and protein by Koreans were lower than those of Japanese in 1988. The intake of lipid by Koreans was less than one half of the intake by Japanese. The intake of protein has been increased to 79.2g in Korea and 91.6g in Japan, of which 49% and 52.6% were provided by the animal sources in Korea and Japan, respectively, in 1988. In terms of consumption of the energy nutrients, the percentage of carbohydrate has been decreased, while those of protein and lipid have been increased in both countries. In 1988, the ratios of energy intakes by carbohydrate, protein and lipid were 67 : 19 : 14 in Korea and 59 : 15 : 26 in Japan. Considering the desired ratio, 65 : 15 : 20, the intake of carbohydrate seems to be still high and that of lipid still low for Koreans. The food supply has been increased in both countries and the supply of animal food, oil and fat were greater in Japan than in Korea.
Proceedings of the Korean Society for Noise and Vibration Engineering Conference
/
2005.05a
/
pp.621-624
/
2005
Among many auditory feelings for the vehicle interior noise, booming is considered as the most important nuisance to the passenger and developer. Because the main source of booming noise is a power train system including engine, in general, it consists of tonal components related to fundamental engine rotation and its harmonics including the firing frequency. Therefore, it is demanded to extract the effective tonal components only by using pitch extraction algorithm based on the place theory enable to find aurally relevant tonal components. However, there is a difference between booming sensation and pitch perception according to frequency change of tonal component. In this study, subjective listening test using a tracking method was performed to find the difference limen for just noticeable change of booming sensation in frequency. 20 Koreans and 10 Japanese were participated in this test and the results obtained from Koreans and Japanese were compared with each other. Finally, 5Hz was determined as the difference limen for just noticeable change of booming sensation in frequency, and by applying this value to booming analysis using pitch concept, it was confirmed that the degree of prediction of booming sensation was improved.
The Japanese colonial authorities promulgated the 'Nurses Ordinance(Kanhoboo Kyuchick), in 1914. It was the first act that regulated nurses' licensure in Korea. The gendarme did the administrational work of the ordinance. After the Nurses Ordinance of 1914, nurses without licenses could no longer work with the name of nurse, and Korean nursing gained a more professional status. After the March 1st Movement of 1919, Japan realized that its iron rule had to be more sophisticated. The gendarme gave way to an ordinary constabulary force. The Nurses Ordinance was amended to set the nurses quality as good as that of Japanese nurses, and the nurses licensure of Korea could also be used in Japan. In 1931 the Japanese war against China began, and the Japanese imposed military rule once again. The Nurses Ordinance was amended to 'The Korea Nurses Ordinance'. After the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War(1937) and of World War II in the Pacific(1941), the Japanese desperately needed additional manpower to re plenish the dwindling ranks of their military and labour forces. To produce more nurses, the colonial authorities amended the 'Korea Nurses Ordinance' and lowered the age and educational status of nurses to produce more numbers. Until the Japanese surrender in August 1945, Korea was under Japanese rule. Koreans had no say in the passing of these acts, and the colonial authority could make and pass any act at will.
The aim of this study is to examine and compare Koreans and Japanese creativities in advertising. It was to analyze empirically their creativities appreciated in 200 TV commercials broadcasted between 1992 and 1998. The content analysis, was a useful process, provided very important clues for comparative analysis. Many difference were found in the examined TV commercials in Korea and Japan. It showed major difference in ways in which the level of noise, the using of cuts, social space, camera work, etc. except preference of jingle, colors, elements of tradition. The most distinctive difference is that the Japanese TV commercials deal with atmosphere than the Korean commercials. This result may help to explain a common social phenomenon of not losing the original culture in each society, as a result of "international acculturation" and the subsequent "indigenization by adaptive change"
The Japanese amberjack Seriolae quinqueradiata is one of the most consumed fish species among the Koreans. However, information regarding parasitic infection in Japanese amberjack is scarce. This study described the morphological and molecular characteristics of a species of philometrid nematode, Philometroides seriolae, which was recovered from Japanese amberjack. This fish was caught in the sea of Goseong-gun, Gangwon-do, Republic of Korea (Korea). Six P. seriolae (Nematoda: Philometridae) were recovered from 2 Japanese amberjacks. These parasites were subgravid female which were 325-420 mm long and 2.95-3.27 mm wide. Furthermore, they had typical papillae distributed on their body surface with 14 papillae at the apical view. Sequence analysis of the small subunits of ribosomal RNA (SSU rRNA) showed high sequence identity (99.8%, 1,607/1,611-bp) with that of P. seriolae (GenBank accession no. FJ155811). This nematode species has been newly added to the Korean nematode fauna.
본 웹사이트에 게시된 이메일 주소가 전자우편 수집 프로그램이나
그 밖의 기술적 장치를 이용하여 무단으로 수집되는 것을 거부하며,
이를 위반시 정보통신망법에 의해 형사 처벌됨을 유념하시기 바랍니다.
[게시일 2004년 10월 1일]
이용약관
제 1 장 총칙
제 1 조 (목적)
이 이용약관은 KoreaScience 홈페이지(이하 “당 사이트”)에서 제공하는 인터넷 서비스(이하 '서비스')의 가입조건 및 이용에 관한 제반 사항과 기타 필요한 사항을 구체적으로 규정함을 목적으로 합니다.
제 2 조 (용어의 정의)
① "이용자"라 함은 당 사이트에 접속하여 이 약관에 따라 당 사이트가 제공하는 서비스를 받는 회원 및 비회원을
말합니다.
② "회원"이라 함은 서비스를 이용하기 위하여 당 사이트에 개인정보를 제공하여 아이디(ID)와 비밀번호를 부여
받은 자를 말합니다.
③ "회원 아이디(ID)"라 함은 회원의 식별 및 서비스 이용을 위하여 자신이 선정한 문자 및 숫자의 조합을
말합니다.
④ "비밀번호(패스워드)"라 함은 회원이 자신의 비밀보호를 위하여 선정한 문자 및 숫자의 조합을 말합니다.
제 3 조 (이용약관의 효력 및 변경)
① 이 약관은 당 사이트에 게시하거나 기타의 방법으로 회원에게 공지함으로써 효력이 발생합니다.
② 당 사이트는 이 약관을 개정할 경우에 적용일자 및 개정사유를 명시하여 현행 약관과 함께 당 사이트의
초기화면에 그 적용일자 7일 이전부터 적용일자 전일까지 공지합니다. 다만, 회원에게 불리하게 약관내용을
변경하는 경우에는 최소한 30일 이상의 사전 유예기간을 두고 공지합니다. 이 경우 당 사이트는 개정 전
내용과 개정 후 내용을 명확하게 비교하여 이용자가 알기 쉽도록 표시합니다.
제 4 조(약관 외 준칙)
① 이 약관은 당 사이트가 제공하는 서비스에 관한 이용안내와 함께 적용됩니다.
② 이 약관에 명시되지 아니한 사항은 관계법령의 규정이 적용됩니다.
제 2 장 이용계약의 체결
제 5 조 (이용계약의 성립 등)
① 이용계약은 이용고객이 당 사이트가 정한 약관에 「동의합니다」를 선택하고, 당 사이트가 정한
온라인신청양식을 작성하여 서비스 이용을 신청한 후, 당 사이트가 이를 승낙함으로써 성립합니다.
② 제1항의 승낙은 당 사이트가 제공하는 과학기술정보검색, 맞춤정보, 서지정보 등 다른 서비스의 이용승낙을
포함합니다.
제 6 조 (회원가입)
서비스를 이용하고자 하는 고객은 당 사이트에서 정한 회원가입양식에 개인정보를 기재하여 가입을 하여야 합니다.
제 7 조 (개인정보의 보호 및 사용)
당 사이트는 관계법령이 정하는 바에 따라 회원 등록정보를 포함한 회원의 개인정보를 보호하기 위해 노력합니다. 회원 개인정보의 보호 및 사용에 대해서는 관련법령 및 당 사이트의 개인정보 보호정책이 적용됩니다.
제 8 조 (이용 신청의 승낙과 제한)
① 당 사이트는 제6조의 규정에 의한 이용신청고객에 대하여 서비스 이용을 승낙합니다.
② 당 사이트는 아래사항에 해당하는 경우에 대해서 승낙하지 아니 합니다.
- 이용계약 신청서의 내용을 허위로 기재한 경우
- 기타 규정한 제반사항을 위반하며 신청하는 경우
제 9 조 (회원 ID 부여 및 변경 등)
① 당 사이트는 이용고객에 대하여 약관에 정하는 바에 따라 자신이 선정한 회원 ID를 부여합니다.
② 회원 ID는 원칙적으로 변경이 불가하며 부득이한 사유로 인하여 변경 하고자 하는 경우에는 해당 ID를
해지하고 재가입해야 합니다.
③ 기타 회원 개인정보 관리 및 변경 등에 관한 사항은 서비스별 안내에 정하는 바에 의합니다.
제 3 장 계약 당사자의 의무
제 10 조 (KISTI의 의무)
① 당 사이트는 이용고객이 희망한 서비스 제공 개시일에 특별한 사정이 없는 한 서비스를 이용할 수 있도록
하여야 합니다.
② 당 사이트는 개인정보 보호를 위해 보안시스템을 구축하며 개인정보 보호정책을 공시하고 준수합니다.
③ 당 사이트는 회원으로부터 제기되는 의견이나 불만이 정당하다고 객관적으로 인정될 경우에는 적절한 절차를
거쳐 즉시 처리하여야 합니다. 다만, 즉시 처리가 곤란한 경우는 회원에게 그 사유와 처리일정을 통보하여야
합니다.
제 11 조 (회원의 의무)
① 이용자는 회원가입 신청 또는 회원정보 변경 시 실명으로 모든 사항을 사실에 근거하여 작성하여야 하며,
허위 또는 타인의 정보를 등록할 경우 일체의 권리를 주장할 수 없습니다.
② 당 사이트가 관계법령 및 개인정보 보호정책에 의거하여 그 책임을 지는 경우를 제외하고 회원에게 부여된
ID의 비밀번호 관리소홀, 부정사용에 의하여 발생하는 모든 결과에 대한 책임은 회원에게 있습니다.
③ 회원은 당 사이트 및 제 3자의 지적 재산권을 침해해서는 안 됩니다.
제 4 장 서비스의 이용
제 12 조 (서비스 이용 시간)
① 서비스 이용은 당 사이트의 업무상 또는 기술상 특별한 지장이 없는 한 연중무휴, 1일 24시간 운영을
원칙으로 합니다. 단, 당 사이트는 시스템 정기점검, 증설 및 교체를 위해 당 사이트가 정한 날이나 시간에
서비스를 일시 중단할 수 있으며, 예정되어 있는 작업으로 인한 서비스 일시중단은 당 사이트 홈페이지를
통해 사전에 공지합니다.
② 당 사이트는 서비스를 특정범위로 분할하여 각 범위별로 이용가능시간을 별도로 지정할 수 있습니다. 다만
이 경우 그 내용을 공지합니다.
제 13 조 (홈페이지 저작권)
① NDSL에서 제공하는 모든 저작물의 저작권은 원저작자에게 있으며, KISTI는 복제/배포/전송권을 확보하고
있습니다.
② NDSL에서 제공하는 콘텐츠를 상업적 및 기타 영리목적으로 복제/배포/전송할 경우 사전에 KISTI의 허락을
받아야 합니다.
③ NDSL에서 제공하는 콘텐츠를 보도, 비평, 교육, 연구 등을 위하여 정당한 범위 안에서 공정한 관행에
합치되게 인용할 수 있습니다.
④ NDSL에서 제공하는 콘텐츠를 무단 복제, 전송, 배포 기타 저작권법에 위반되는 방법으로 이용할 경우
저작권법 제136조에 따라 5년 이하의 징역 또는 5천만 원 이하의 벌금에 처해질 수 있습니다.
제 14 조 (유료서비스)
① 당 사이트 및 협력기관이 정한 유료서비스(원문복사 등)는 별도로 정해진 바에 따르며, 변경사항은 시행 전에
당 사이트 홈페이지를 통하여 회원에게 공지합니다.
② 유료서비스를 이용하려는 회원은 정해진 요금체계에 따라 요금을 납부해야 합니다.
제 5 장 계약 해지 및 이용 제한
제 15 조 (계약 해지)
회원이 이용계약을 해지하고자 하는 때에는 [가입해지] 메뉴를 이용해 직접 해지해야 합니다.
제 16 조 (서비스 이용제한)
① 당 사이트는 회원이 서비스 이용내용에 있어서 본 약관 제 11조 내용을 위반하거나, 다음 각 호에 해당하는
경우 서비스 이용을 제한할 수 있습니다.
- 2년 이상 서비스를 이용한 적이 없는 경우
- 기타 정상적인 서비스 운영에 방해가 될 경우
② 상기 이용제한 규정에 따라 서비스를 이용하는 회원에게 서비스 이용에 대하여 별도 공지 없이 서비스 이용의
일시정지, 이용계약 해지 할 수 있습니다.
제 17 조 (전자우편주소 수집 금지)
회원은 전자우편주소 추출기 등을 이용하여 전자우편주소를 수집 또는 제3자에게 제공할 수 없습니다.
제 6 장 손해배상 및 기타사항
제 18 조 (손해배상)
당 사이트는 무료로 제공되는 서비스와 관련하여 회원에게 어떠한 손해가 발생하더라도 당 사이트가 고의 또는 과실로 인한 손해발생을 제외하고는 이에 대하여 책임을 부담하지 아니합니다.
제 19 조 (관할 법원)
서비스 이용으로 발생한 분쟁에 대해 소송이 제기되는 경우 민사 소송법상의 관할 법원에 제기합니다.
[부 칙]
1. (시행일) 이 약관은 2016년 9월 5일부터 적용되며, 종전 약관은 본 약관으로 대체되며, 개정된 약관의 적용일 이전 가입자도 개정된 약관의 적용을 받습니다.