Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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v.32
no.4
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pp.1-23
/
2001
Japanese colonial library policy was to interfere with the library activities by Korean leaders to enlighten Korean people as a form of independence movement, and through the government library to colonize Korean people into Japanese culture. This study investigates and analyzes the background of foundation and activities of the Taegu Burip Library which was officially founded first in Korea by Japanese colonial government. It tries to find the hided intention of the Japanese colonists to establish the libraries in Korea as a part of their colonial policy.
This study examines changes and features of provincial office buildings in Suwon and Chungju after relocation during Japanese occupation. Gyeonggi and Chungbuk provincial offices(Gwanchalbu) were relocated by Japan. Gyeonggi Provincial Office in Suwon used HwaseongHaenggung buildings and moved to Seoul in 1910. After relocation, most of HwaseongHaenggung buildings used for Suwon Governmental hospital(JaHye Uiwon). Suwongun Office, Suwon public elementary school, Japanese Military and Suwon Police station also used HwaseongHaenggung buildings with the Hospital. At first, Japan remodeled local government buildings for their use. Most of HwaseongHaenggung buildings had been destroyed to build new buildings since 1920s. Chungbuk Provincial office in Chungju used DongHeon building which is Chungju local government building and relocated to Cheongju in 1908. DongHeon building changed to Chungju county office after relocation. This building was renovated. Chungju county office moved to other site, this building was used for Chungju county conference room. During Japanese colonial period, Suwon local government buildings were destroyed and replaced with new Japanese style buildings. Chungju local government buildings were also renovated or destroyed.
In the history of elementary school mathematics education in Korea, the period led by the Government-General of Joseon during the Japanese colonial period cannot be omitted. As a way to grasp the real state of elementary school mathematics education at that time, there is a method of analyzing elementary school mathematics textbooks published by the Government-General of Joseon. However, the actual state of the publication of them was not sufficiently known. For this reason, this study surveys the actual state of the publication of those textbooks. To this end, real information on textbooks owned currently by various institutions and information on the publication of those textbooks in the official gazette and documents of the Government-General of Joseon were checked and organized.
This article is about the study on construction contractors in Daegu during the Japanese Colonial Rule. The first construction contractors who involved with Kyong-bu railroad work in 1904 personally. But, after they go through the bidding method, changed by the Japanese Government General of Korea in 1922, and the second bid rigging in 1932, contractors was changed gradually the organization into unlimited partnership, limited partnership or stock corporation. The number of them was increased. Most contractors were Japanese, and organized a limited partnership which has been capitalized at 30,000 won. On the other hand, Korean contractors couldn't work at an important part, except for the personal activities of Youngsil Lee(李永實). They were usually employed as consultants or field deputies by Japanese contractors. After the Liberation, Japanese construction contractors returned to Japan, however Tatuoka-kumi(龍岡組), Yasiro-kumi(屋代組) and Sakano-kumi(坂野組) that was leading the business which were took over by Koreans. They were leading architecture field in Daegu.
During the Japanese colonial period in the Korean Peninsula, Chosun (ethnic Korean) physicians were trained in vocational clinical schools, but Japanese physicians in medical school. Therefore, the Japanese government treated the Japanese physicians as medical doctors but Chosun physicians as dealers or traders in clinical services. This colonial discriminatory policy became a habitual concept to Korean physicians. Because of these traditional concepts regarding physicians, after the colonial period, the newly established Korean government also had the same concept of physicians. Therefore, in 1952, the Korean graduate medical education system was launched under a government clearance system with the claim of supporting medical specialties as clinical dealers or clinical businesspeople. During the last 60 years, this inappropriate customary concept and the unsuitable system have evolved into medical residency training education, and then into graduate medical education. Today graduate medical education has become inextricably linked to postdoctoral work in Korean hospitals.
Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
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v.35
no.5
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pp.95-106
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2019
The purpose of this study was to analyze the "朝鮮古建築物", the list of architectural heritages in Korea during the early Japanese colonial period. The list included architectural heritage of the region of North Korea in the colonial era. A process of listing was showing the meaning of an architectural heritage for the Japanese General Government through the criteria of selecting buildings registered on the list. This study revealed the process of a survey for making list and explored the criteria of the list. The result of this effort will contribute to determining the historical background of North Korea's architectural heritage in the early days.
Systems operating construction expenses for preservation and repair of the architectural heritage may be divided into two in the Japanese colonial era. They are preservation cost nd preservation cost-aided constructions, according to the ownership of a building. Preservation cost construction refers to preservation and repair of government-owned buildings that Japanese Government General of Korea had the ownership and the right of management, and preservation cost-aided construction means preservation and repair of private buildings such as Buddhist temples. In the case of preservation and repair of buildings owned by the government, it was done by the Japanese Government General of Korea, so the same agent executed the budget and managed the properties. They included royal tombs and relics, old government offices, Hyanggyo and some Seowon. On the other hand, in the case of preservation and repair of private buildings, they were private properties, so Japanese Government General of Korea had rights only for permission of preservation and repair. If there was a request for .preservation and repair by an owner, the Japanese Government General of Korea decided on whether it would support its expenses or not and played a role of management and supervision. It applied to Buddhist shrines and pagodas owned by Buddhist temples and shrines and temples owned by individuals and families. Hence, in the case of government-owned buildings, because the preservation cost was spent from the Japanese Government General of Korea's budget for investigation expenses of historical remains or repair expenses of Jeolleung and ruins, they were classified into preservation cost constructions. As for private buildings, the cost was spent from their budget for aiding preservation expenses, so they were classified into preservation cost-aided constructions. Because preservation cost construction and preservation cost-aided construction were conducted by two different agents, there were a little difference in procedures for executing a construction. There was no big difference in the general progress of constructions but was an administrative difference in the kinds of documents submitted and the roles of field supervisors. Such dual systems remained unimproved throughout the Japanese colonial era. The Japanese Government General of Korea was the colonial government so much influenced by the Japanese Government. Most Japanese architectural heritage was owned by Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines and there was almost no building owned by the government, resulting in a unitary system unlike Korea. Heritage system by the Japanese Government General of Korea was established under the influence of Japan regardless of the situation in Korea. Accordingly, Japanese Government General of Korea could not present a definite solution in the bisected system of preservation and repair expenses for the heritage. It shows the limits of the Japanese Government General of Korea in the colonial era.
The purpose of this study is to examine the roles of the forest-land registry system in the Forest Law of 1908 and the effects this system had on the colonial forest-land policy used in Korea under the influence of Japanese Imperialism. This was started under the Profit-sharing Forest System which was one of the policies for disposing of the Korean national forests. The purpose of this system was to establish forest-land ownership, a fundamental human right. This system was enforced by the Japanese Colonial Government without regard to the customary and important right of Koreans to use the forests, and without considering the distinction between national and private forests. Koreans understood that this system was a warning sign of a tax being imposing on forest-land owners. Furthermore, Koreans thought the Japanese were using this system to deprive them of their forest-land. The strata of Koreans reporting ownership were very limited and included the intellectual(upper-middle) class, higher officials in counties and townships, relatives and relations of these officials, and survey agents. In particular the actual owners could not submit a report registering their land in this system because the required survey cost more than the value of the forest-land. Within the time period specified by the Japanese Colonial Government, about 520,000 registries were reported involving 2.2 million Jung-bo(.9917 hectare) with most of these coming during the last five months of reporting period. Koreans made a reasonable request to extend the deadline, but it was refused. After the reporting period expired there were no follow-up measures such as verification of the reported registrations nor establishment of boundaries between national and private forests. According to Article 19 in the Forest Law of 1908 about 14 million Jung-bo, which was not registered within the reporting period was nationalized. The colonial forest-land policy used in Korea by the Japanese Colonial Government was as follows : (1) to create a large number of national forests in the early period of their rule, (2) to divide these national forests into indispensible national forests and dispensible national forests, and (3) to transfer ownership of the dispensible national forests to colonial Japanese. To achieve the latter, the occupational government needed a method to insure ownership. They devised a tree-planting scheme in which the national forests classified as disposable were "loaned" and then transferred to these Japanese. The actual Korean owners claimed title to this forest-land and asked for the eviction of the new owners but the Japanese occupation government rejected these suits using the excuse that previous Korean owners did not submit the required registration report within the specified time period. In short the Principle of Forest-land Registry was used as a means to consolidate the forest-lands of Korea and distribute large portions of it to Japanese citizens after seizing it from the rightful Korean owners.
This paper deals with architectural activities related to Korean society in Jichang district in North East China, focused on the articles of Manseon-ilbo published there during the Japanese colonial period. Construction-related contents in the area closely connected with topical interest, publicity, and enlightenment as a local media source provide positive grounds about pending issues in colonial situations. This paper handles with articles issued in the 1940's newspapers just before the Pacific War. At that time Japanese enter in the Chinese continent, and construct a stable basis in the intimate association with Germany and Italy, countering against the United State. Among articles regarding architecture, most of contents are based on healthcare and public facilities, and urban planning. Overwhelmingly the most popular articles are about new constructions of educational facilities and residential matters. The shortage of goods and the excessive concentration of population resulted in urban and house problems, which were particularly much more serious in Korea society. Such social atmosphere made all activities regarding building constructions, in particular educational facilities, in civil level rather than the helps of the Japanese colonial government. Thus, through education and house matters we can read a slice of Korean society to survive in the colonial environment of Jichang district.
The purpose of this study is to identify the characteristics of the use of the western building system with the change of the architectural design in the Japanese colonial period focused on the facility built by Joseon Government-General in 1910s. Through the 131 cases of governmental building, the tendency of the use of western building system. After 1910, Japanese Imperialism adopted the western wooden building system which main structure was made with combination of small pieces of timber for building the modern governmental facility because of the political and financial intention. So, all facilities were designed similarly by the structural module and the facade was finished by the feather boarding in the same with the 'sitamitakei-giyohu' in Japan. the functional requirements of each facility was not revealed. Such an western wooden building system was used until 1920s with the change of the facade by the mortar coating. But, in 1920s-1930s, the building system have begun to change. The use of the brick system caused some changes although the planing concept was still lasted. On the other hand, the use of the reinforced concrete led to more changes on the overall scheme.
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