• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.130-153
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• 2020

Using stylistic analysis and historical documents, this paper examines the production details of images enshrined in Myeongbujeon (Hall of the Underworld) at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, focusing on the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and the stone Ten Kings of Hell. Inside Myeongbujeon, the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is placed at the center, flanked by standing images of Mudokgwiwang and Domyeong-jonja, with images of the Ten Kings and their attendants along the walls. All of these images were transferred to Magoksa Temple in the latter half of the 1930s. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva came from Jeonghyesa Temple in Cheongyang, the other sculptures came from Sinheungsa Temple in Imsil, and a painting of the Ten Kings came from Jeongtosa Temple in Nonsan. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is known to have been produced in 1677, around the same time as the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings. A close analysis of the details of the bodhisattva sculpture-including the facial features, body proportions, and drapery characteristics-strongly suggests that it was produced in the 1620s or 1630s by the monk sculptor Suyeon (who was active in the early half of the seventeenth century) or his disciples. In particular, the rendering of the drapery on the lower half of the body closely resembles Buddhist sculptures produced by Suyeon that are now enshrined at Bongseosa Temple in Seocheon (produced in 1619) and at Sungnimsa Temple in Iksan (produced at Bocheonsa Temple in Okgu in 1634). According to the votive inscription, the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings and their attendants were produced in 1677 under the supervision of the monk sculptor Seongil. However, these are the only known Buddhist images produced under Seongil, and no details about other monks involved in the production have ever been found, making it difficult to speculate about their lineage. Historical records do suggest that Seongil worked on other projects to produce or repair sculptures with disciples of the monk sculptors Hyehi or Unhye, indicating amicable relations between the two groups. Unlike most such images in the Honam or Yeongseo regions, the Ten Kings at Magoksa Temple are made from stone, rather than wood or clay. Also, the overall form and the drapery conform to statues of the Ten Kings that were popularly produced in the Yeongnam region. Thus, the images are believed to be the work of monks who were primarily active in Yeongnam, rather than Honam. In the future, a systematic investigation of wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva images and stone Ten Kings of Hell images produced in the Chungnam region could illuminate more details about the production of the images at Magoksa Temple, and perhaps shed light on the conditions that led to the production of stone Buddhist sculptures in the Honam area during the late seventeenth century.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.209-223
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• 2019

The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture in the National Museum of Korea had long sat unregistered in storage at the museum. However, a new accession number "bon9976" has recently been assigned to it. This sculpture was excavated from the neighborhood of Heungnyongsa Temple in Baekun-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province together with another Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9975) called "Iron Buddha from Pocheon." A comparison and examination of Gelatin Dry Plate and official documents from the Joseon Government-General Museum during the Japanese occupation period have revealed that these two Iron Buddha sculptures were transferred to the Museum of the Government-General of Korea on December 17, 1925. The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9976) has a height of 105 centimeters, width at the shoulders of 57 centimeters, and width at the knee of 77 centimeters. The Buddha is wearing a robe with rippling drapery folds and the right shoulder exposed. He is seated in the position called gilsangjwa(the seat of good fortune) in which the left foot is placed over the right thigh. The features of the Buddha's oval face are prominently sculpted. The voluminous cheeks, eye sockets in a large oval shape, slanted eyes, short nose, and plump lips can also be found in other ninth-century Iron Seated Buddha sculptures at Silsangsa Temple in Namwon, Jeollanam-do Province, Hancheonsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Samhwasa Temple in Donghae-si, Gangwon-do Province. Moreover, its crossed legs, robe exposing the right shoulder, and rippling drapery folds suggest that this sculpture might have been modeled after the main Buddha sculpture of the Seokguram Grotto from the eighth century. The identity of this Iron Seated Buddha can be determined using the Gelatin Dry Plate(M442-2, M442-7). In them, the Buddha has its right palm facing upwards and holds a medicine jar on its left palm. Until now, the Iron Seated Bhaiṣajyagura(Medicine) Buddha(bon1970) excavated from Wonju has been considered the sole example of an iron Medicine Buddha sculpture. However, this newly registered Iron Seated Buddha turns out to be a Medicine Buddha holding a medicine jar. Furthermore, it serves as valuable material since traces of gilding and lacquering clearly remain on its surface. This Iron Seated Buddha sculpture (bon9976) is presumed to have been produced around the ninth century under the influence of Esoteric Buddhism by the Monk Doseon(827~898), a disciple of the Monk Hyecheol, to protect the temple and help the country overcome geographical shortcomings. According to the records stored at Naewonsa Temple(later Heungnyongsa Temple), Doseon selected three significant sites, including Baegunsan Mountain, built "protector" temples, created the Bhaisajyagura Buddha triad, and enshrined them at the temples. Moreover, the inscription on the stele on the restoration of Seonamsa Temple states that Doseon constructed temples and produced iron Buddha sculptures to help the country surmount certain geographical shortcomings. Heungnyongsa Temple is located in Dopyeong-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-si, Gyeonggi-do Province. This region appears to have been related to rituals directed to the Medicine Buddha since Yaksa Temple(literally, "the temple of medicine") was built here during the Goryeo Dynasty, and the Yaksa Temple site with its three-story stone pagoda and Yaksadong Valley still exist in Dopyeong-ri.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.261-286
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• 2018

It is possible to communicate with objects in various styles, but especially the poem[詩], the ode[賦], the inscription[銘] are remarkable. The word is not the mouth, but the mind and the soul. Therefore, if a person is in a relationship with an object that defines the person, what conversation with the object is the person's inner. So if you know what a person has been with things, you can imagine his outer surface, and you can get inner if you know what you talked about. Seo Kyung-duk who lived a poverty life, but can not live without things, so his things are not a thing, Seo Kyung-duk also recorded especially about the dojookjang[bamboo cane], the buchae[fan], and the $k{\breve{o}}mungo$[Korean lute] Seo Kyung-duk with the buchae, Seo Kyung-duk with the dojookjang, and Seo Kyung-duk with the $k{\breve{o}}mungo$. These are the pictures we can imagine. And I can draw Seo Kyung-duk to talk with those things. Seo Kyung-duk, who is reflected in the dojookjang, shows the reality of participating in the rescue of the people's hardships and the stubborn world. Seo Kyung-duk, who is reflected in the buchae, is a philosopher who explores the origin of existence with the appearance of realistic preachers who have to wash away the difficulties of the people. Seo Kyung-duk, who is reflected in the $k{\breve{o}}mungo$, is a philosopher who grasps Ki(氣) the phenomenon and the source, the immaterial and the material, the type and the intangible. Both the strings and non-strings are $k{\breve{o}}mungos$. The $k{\breve{o}}mungo$ is strong in ideology symbolizing the Confucianism ideological ideals, and Seok Kyung-duk is also in the extension line. Seo Gyeong-deok, who has seen through the dojookjang, the buchae, and the $k{\breve{o}}mungo$ has a realistic sense of realizing that he should worry about the pain of the world and fulfill a good world. He is a philosopher who pierces the root of existence and can be governed by the logic of Ki(氣).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.173-208
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• 2017

This study sorted out the political methods of the typical shell-and-bone inscriptions during early Western Zhou, the shapes and arrangements of Chan, Chak, and Jak, and the characteristics and description methods of shell-and-bone characters and also investigated the formation backgrounds and changing patterns of shell-and-bone inscriptions with a focus on the transmitted literature and actual shell-and-bone inscriptions. First, the transmitted literature contained records saying that Gogongdanbu told fortunes by burning tortoise shells during Proto-Zhou, but no Bokgap from those days had been excavated yet. The content of the divination focused on the periods of Kings Wen, Wu, and Cheng of Zhou, and the shell-and-bone characters of Juwon contained much content about Jugong those days. Second, there were some differences in the processing methods between Bokgap and Bokgol, but their origin could basically be found in the Joyeongjang form during middle Shang. In addition, it was found that they directly accepted the Bukchon type of Seomseo during late Shang and the divination method of the Proto-Zhou culture. Third, all of Bokgaps had a set of square Chan and rectangular Chak installed on the back, whereas all of Bokgols had a set of circular Chan and vertically thin Chak and were in the shape of a cat's eye. In terms of the Chan, Chak, and Jak arrangement, the Bokgaps were similar to those of Yinxu during late Shang, whereas the Bokgols had the characteristics of the Joyeongjang type during middle Shang. Finally, there were differences in the description methods of shell-and-bone characters according to the arrangement methods of shell-and-bone inscriptions. Some rules were found according to each of the parts. Bokgaps were placed horizontally so that Gapsu would face sideways. The middle sections of Bokgols were mostly placed horizontally with the Byeongbu and Seonbu facing downwards at Golgu to write downwards from right to left. This method was estimated to have something to do with "Sigo" in the divination process in The Rites of Zhou. It was inferred that the perceptions of divination changed in the process of arranging the rites and music institutions during early Western Zhou.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.22-49
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• 2021

Bowonsa Temple (普願寺) is located to the north of Gayasan Mountain in Unsan-myeon, Seosan-si, Chungcheongnam-do Province. The cultural properties it enshrines were produced during the late Unified Silla and early Goryeo periods, and include an Iron Seated Buddha. The Japanese Government-General of Korea Museum planned a survey on historical remains in Chungcheongnam-do Province during the early Japanese colonial era, and a field survey was conducted at the Bowonsa Temple site in 1916 (Taishō 5). During this survey, the sculpture of the Iron Seated Buddha (knee: width 212 cm x thickness 167 cm) was found enshrined in a hut. The sculpture was moved to Gyeongbokgung Palace in the following year. However, it is clear that the colossal Iron Seated Buddha was being housed at the Bowonsa Temple site at the start of the Japanese colonial era. This Iron Seated Buddha is presumed to have been produced in 955 by State Preceptor Beopin Tanmun (法印國師 坦文, 900-975). Tanmun was born into an influential family that produced many high officials. He became a leading figure in the Hwaeom (Flower Garland) school of Buddhism under the patronage of King Taejo. He also led Buddhist events at the Goryeo royal court during the reigns of King Hyejong (惠宗, r. 943-945) and King Jeongjong (定宗, r. 945-949). With the emergence of Gyunyeo (均如, 923-973), who was sponsored by Queen Daemok (大穆王后, dates unknown) of the Hwangbo clan (皇甫氏), Tanmun was transferred to Bowonsa Temple far from Kaesong. However, even while there Tanmun strengthened his ties with his supporters under the patronage of the Chungju Yu clan. He appears to have produced this colossal sculpture of Iron Seated Buddha as a prayer for longevity and a happy life for King Gwangjong (光宗, r. 949-975). The inscription on the Stele of State Preceptor Beopin at Bowonsa Temple Site that reads "[I] created a Buddha triad in gold" also suggests the Iron Seated Buddha was produced at Bowonsa Temple. This Iron Seated Buddha is thought to have been enshrined originally in a hall at Building Site No. 3 within the Bowonsa Temple precinct. Since excavations at the temple site have revealed that the temple's main hall was erected in the Joseon period, the Iron Seated Buddha might have been enshrined in a different hall at the time of its creation. It is likely that the sculpture was placed in a hall at Building Site No. 3 since Goryeo-era roof tiles and porcelain have been frequently excavated there and the remains of a square Buddhist altar have survived at the site. At the time of its creation, the Iron Seated Buddha was likely enshrined in a Goryeo-era hall at Building Site No. 3 but was transferred to the main hall during a rebuilding project undertaken at Bowonsa Temple in the Joseon period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.24-48
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• 2022

Bronze mirrors found in pagodas were regarded as simple offerings and thus have received little attention in studies. Furthermore, the few studies on bronze mirrors enshrined in pagodas have focused on the line-engraved mirrors found in the pagodas of the Kingdom of Wuyue; therefore, it is difficult to understand the general characteristics of the bronze mirrors enshrined in the pagodas. This study assumes that the bronze mirrors found in many pagodas in the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty were enshrined for a specific purpose. To explore this assumption and accurately understand the artifacts, this study focuses on the location and method of enshrinement. The number of bronze mirrors enshrined in pagodas increased during the Kingdom of Wuyue, with the mirrors expressing statues and inscriptions related to Buddhism rather than being simple offerings. This shows that the purpose of the bronze mirror changed. The influence of the Kingdom of Wuyue continued during the Song dynasty; however, the pattern of bronze mirror enshrinement changed due to the culture and social atmosphere of the time. The most common types of enshrined bronze mirrors were plain, and bronze mirrors from the Dang dynasty were also used consistently. Plain bronze mirrors were used more frequently in this period despite the lingering influence of the Kingdom of Wuyue because it was less laborious to engrave images and inscriptions such as the inscription of Buddha. Additionally, bronze mirrors were valued during this period because of the attention toward the imitation of the archaic bronze(仿古銅器) of the Song dynasty and the influence of the emperor. Moreover, it is believed that bronze mirrors were enshrined in pagodas as offerings as they were deemed valuable at the time. There was a change in the method of enshrining bronze mirrors in pagodas during the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty. During this time, bronze mirrors that were positioned on the floor or in iron boxes were intentionally attached to walls or hung from the ceiling. This method was largely divided into two types: attaching to walls or the ceiling(嵌入鏡) and hanging from the ceiling(懸鏡). A typical example of hanging a bronze mirror from the ceiling can be seen in the Jingzhisa Temple Pagoda, and Teng County's Fushengsa Temple Pagoda contains an example of attaching a bronze mirror to the ceiling. The methods of hanging or attaching bronze mirrors to the ceiling were closely related to the methods employed in Chinese tombs. Song dynasty burial chambers had a high and wide structure, so to defend against evil spirits(辟邪用), bronze mirrors were used to protect the burial rooms. Bronze mirrors were, therefore, placed high to illuminate the burial room. This was achieved in the ways mentioned above. As underground chambers became wider and higher, mirrors also protected the important areas of the chambers and illuminated the interiors. Thus, it is believed that the methods of enshrining bronze mirrors in the pagodas during the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty arose from the method of enshrining bronze mirrors in tombs at the time. Thereafter, pagodas, such as the Miaojuesa Temple Pagoda, in which the placement of a bronze mirror was actively considered from the design stage were constructed.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.10-19
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• 2022

In this study, historical and cultural landscapes were reviewed focusing on Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju, Gyeongsangnam-do, and the scenic value was examined through this. First, Mangjinsan Mountain was noted in history, as Ansan(案山, a mountain on the opposite side of a housing/grave site) in Jinju, where Bongsu(烽燧, the beacon fire station) is located. Information on Mangjinsan Mountain was gradually doubled due to its status, and the beacon fire station of Mangjinsan Mountain was in charge of defending the Jinju area. Mangjinsan Mountain was described as a symbolic landscape of Jinju. Regarding the etymology of Mangjinsan Mountain, Sung Yeo-Sin(成汝信) analyzed the geography of Jinju and suggested that it was a place name originating from the phoenix. However, looking at various records, it is confirmed that the name of Mangjinsan Mountain is maintained uniformly, but the inscription is not unified. Second, Mangjinsan Mountain became one of the major stage for the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and in 1597. It is confirmed to be a place which has joys and sorrows, for that it provided an opportunity to win the Siege of Jinju in 1592, but many casualties occurred in 1597. On the other hand, in the area of Mangjinsan Mountain Byeolseo(別墅), temples, and administrative facilities were located to establish cultural history of the time, and in the 19th century, Manggyeongdae Pavilion was built due to the scenic value of viewing Jinju Castle. These are examples of testimony how Mangjinsan Mountain has an important meaning in Jinju's history and culture. Third, in the late Joseon Dynasty, a poem reciting Mangjinsan Mountain appears, which shows that the Mountain has established itself as a scenic site in Jinju. The description of Mangjinsan Mountain is confirmed in the literature that lists the scenic sites of Jinju. On the other hand, writers who lived in Jinju paid attention to the beacon fire station, singing about the peaceful world without war and looking back the history. In the 19th century, Jeonbyeolyeon(a farewell party) was held, which seems to be the result of the beauty of viewing Jinju and overviewing the area. Through the facts, the symbolism and scenic value of Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju were confirmed.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.296-312
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• 2022

This paper examines the concept and process of heritagization, as well as other measures for the value enhancement of food culture as heritage, through the case of the gastronomic meal of the French, which has a long history as a socially constructed heritage. Heritage refers to what a society perceives as worthy of being transmitted. Thus, a heritage is something that a society or group chooses to preserve and that represents its identity. In the 19th century, France began to designate and protect heritage through a policy of preserving historical monuments, and heritage became both a social construct and creation with the purpose of preserving and enhancing values. Interest in heritage spread around the world with globalization, and has grown even greater since the 1972 UNESCO Convention. This interest has progressively extended to nature, urban landscapes and intangible cultural heritage. In 2003, the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Intangible Cultural Heritage was adopted, and this has strengthened the interest in intangible cultural heritage worldwide. Food-related heritage has been excluded from the list due to difficulties in establishing inscription criteria and concerns about the potential commercialization of heritage. However, in 2010, the food cultures of the Mediterranean, Mexico, and France were inscribed on UNESCO's Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, which prompted interest in food culture and efforts to inscribe the food heritage of a number of other countries, including Korea. France has a long history of interest in gastronomy as a cultural heritage and part of its national identity. Efforts to preserve and popularize gastronomy as a part of the national identity and heritage have been made at both the private level, by gourmets and associations, and at the governmental level. Through these efforts, the culture of gastronomy as a heritage has been firmly established through theoretical discussion, listing of food-related heritages, and policies. Sustainable development of the heritage is pursued through certain ongoing institutional approaches, including the City of Gastronomy network, the National Food Program, and the promotion and labeling of the Year of the French Gourmet.

• Conservation Science in Museum
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• v.30
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• pp.23-46
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• 2023

The Jija Chongtong Gun, owned by Seokdang Museum of Dong-A University, is a tubedstyle heavy weapon of the battlefield in the mid-Joseon Dynasty and is the second largest firearm after Cheonja Chongtong. The original surface color of the Jija Chongtong Gun was obscured by foreign substances and therefore it was judged that its condition requires the conservation treatment. For stable conservation treatment, gamma ray and X-ray non-destructive transmission surveys was conducted to determine the internal structure and conservation condition. And the component analysis on the material components and surface contaminants of Jija Chongtong Gun was conducted by utilizing the p-XRF component analysis, SEM-EDS component analysis, and XRD analysis. As a result of the gamma-ray and X-ray non-destructive transmission investigation, a large amount of air bubbles was observed inside Jija Chongtong Gun, and the part that appeared to be a chaplet by visual observation was not identified. As a result of gamma-ray and p-XRF component analysis, it was confirmed that Jija Chongtong Gun was bronze made of copper (Cu), tin (Sn), and lead (Pb) alloy. As a result of surface analysis of foreign substances using SEM-EDS, it was confirmed that the main components of white foreign substances were calcium (Ca), sulfur (S), and titanium (Ti). Titanium was presumed to be titanium dioxide (TiO₂), the main component of white correction fluid. The red foreign substance was confirmed to contain barium (Ba) as its main ingredient, and was presumed to be barium sulfate (BaSO₄), an extender pigment in paint. White and red contaminants, mainly composed of titanium and barium, are presumed to have been deposited on the surface in recent years. The yellow foreign substances were confirmed to be aluminum (Al) and silicon (Si), and were presumed to have originated from soil components. As a result of SEM-EDS and XRD component analysis, the white foreign substance was confirmed to be gypsum (CaS). Based on the results of component analysis, surface impurities were removed, stabilization treatment, and strengthening treatment were performed. During the conservation process, unknown inscriptions Woo (右), Byeong (兵), Sang (上), and Yi (二) were discovered through a portable microscope and precise 3D scanning. In addition, the carving method, depth, and width of the inscription were measured. Woo Byeong Sang is located above Happo Fortress in Changwon, and Yi can be identified as the second hill.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.104-129
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• 2020

Designated as a national treasure of Korea and inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, the Tripitaka Koreana at Haeinsa Temple is the world's oldest and most comprehensive extant version of the Tripitaka in Hanja script (i.e., Chinese characters). The set consists of 81,352 carved woodblocks, some of which have two or more copies, which are known as "duplicate woodblocks." These duplicates are supplementary woodblocks (bogakpan) that were carved some time after the original production, likely to replace blocks that had been eroded or damaged by repeated printings. According to the most recent survey, the number of supplementary woodblocks is 118, or approximately 0.14% of the total set, which attests to the outstanding preservation of the original woodblocks. Research on the supplementary woodblocks can reveal important details about the preservation and management of the Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks. Most of the supplementary woodblocks were carved during the Joseon period (1392-1910) or Japanese colonial period (1910-1945). Although the details of the woodblocks from the Japanese colonial period have been recorded and organized to a certain extent, no such efforts have been made with regards to the woodblocks from the Joseon period. This paper analyzes the characteristics and production date of the supplementary woodblocks of the Tripitaka Koreana. The sutra with the most supplementary woodblocks is the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra (Perfection of Transcendental Wisdom), often known as the Heart Sutra. In fact, 76 of the total 118 supplementary woodblocks (64.4%) are for this sutra. Hence, analyses of printed versions of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra should illuminate trends in the carving of supplementary woodblocks for the Tripitaka Koreana, including the representative characteristics of different periods. According to analysis of the 76 supplementary woodblocks of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra, 23 were carved during the Japanese colonial period: 12 in 1915 and 11 in 1937. The remaining 53 were carved during the Joseon period at three separate times. First, 14 of the woodblocks bear the inscription "carved in the mujin year by Haeji" ("戊辰年更刻海志"). Here, the "mujin year" is estimated to correspond to 1448, or the thirtieth year of the reign of King Sejong. On many of these 14 woodblocks, the name of the person who did the carving is engraved outside the border. One of these names is Seonggyeong, an artisan who is known to have been active in 1446, thus supporting the conclusion that the mujin year corresponds to 1448. The vertical length of these woodblocks (inside the border) is 21 cm, which is about 1 cm shorter than the original woodblocks. Some of these blocks were carved in the Zhao Mengfu script. Distinguishing features include the appearance of faint lines on some plates, and the rough finish of the bottoms. The second group of supplementary woodblocks was carved shortly after 1865, when the monks Namho Yeonggi and Haemyeong Jangung had two copies of the Tripitaka Koreana printed. At the time, some of the pages could not be printed because the original woodblocks were damaged. This is confirmed by the missing pages of the extant copy that is now preserved at Woljeongsa Temple. As a result, the supplementary woodblocks are estimated to have been produced immediately after the printing. Evidently, however, not all of the damaged woodblocks could be replaced at this time, as only six woodblocks (comprising eight pages) were carved. On the 1865 woodblocks, lines can be seen between the columns, no red paint was applied, and the prayers of patrons were also carved into the plates. The third carving of supplementary woodblocks occurred just before 1899, when the imperial court of the Korean Empire sponsored a new printing of the Tripitaka Koreana. Government officials who were dispatched to supervise the printing likely inspected the existing blocks and ordered supplementary woodblocks to be carved to replace those that were damaged. A total of 33 supplementary woodblocks (comprising 56 pages) were carved at this time, accounting for the largest number of supplementary woodblocks for the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra. On the 1899 supplementary woodblocks, red paint was applied to each plate and one line was left blank at both ends.