• Korea journal of population studies
• /
• v.33 no.3
• /
• pp.75-99
• /
• 2010

This paper aims to examine the causes and features of current generational conflicts in Korea and to discuss their implications. The data utilized in the study include collective data on presidential and general elections and secondary data obtained from empirical research. The findings are as follows. First, generational power conflicts express itself by struggles among generations concerning the timing of political power transfer. An average age of assemblymen decreases consistently regardless of changes in overriding ideological atmosphere in general - conservative vs. liberal. Second, ideological conflicts among generations were highly intensified around 2002 presidential election, but gradually moderated since 2004 general election. The conflicts might be re-intensified if a set of conditions were satisfied. Third, cultural conflicts between older and younger generations were contrasted around three cultual axes: economic growth with top priority vs. consumerism, collectivism vs. individualism, and authoritarianism vs. post-authoritarianism. To ease strained relations between generations, intergenerational programs were suggested.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.22 no.2
• /
• pp.77-112
• /
• 2016

Given the few studies on the responsibilities of assembly, government, and president for social conflicts, this study analyzes the influence of conflict causes upon that responsibilities. First, the need for the mediation mechanisms for dealing with social conflicts and the level of labor-management conflict are positively associated with the responsibilities of assembly, government, and president. Second, the levels of conflict between social strata and ideological conflict are positively related with the responsibility of assembly or president. Third, interdependence and mutual understanding between stakeholder, among independent variables, are positively associated with the responsibilities of assembly and president. Finally, all of the levels of conflict types, except the level of ideological conflict, moderate the effects of conflict causes on the responsibilities of assembly, government, and president. These results reflect the importance of managerial and institutional approaches to the conflict resolution focused on conflict causes and types.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.17
• /
• pp.227-237
• /
• 2004

The concrete, practical orientation of the Chinese toward the aim of communal harmony conditioned their approach toward philosophical differences. Ideological conflicts were seen, not only by the politicians but by the intellectuals themselves, to threaten societal well-being. Harmonious interaction was finally more important to these thinkers than abstract issues of who had arrived at the 'truth'. Perhaps the most obvious illustation of the way the Chinese handled their theoretical conflicts is to be found in mutual accommodation of the three emergent traditions of Chinese culture, Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism. Beginning in the Han dynasty(206 BC-AD 200), the diverse themes inherited from the competing 'hundred schools' of pre-imperial China were harmonized within Confucianism as it ascended to become the state ideology. The harmony among confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism, traditional philosophical trend in China, is very important research subject at contemporary circumstance. For its cultual influences to surrounding nations, such as Korea, japan and Vietnam etc., are so crucial.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.40
• /
• pp.1-38
• /
• 2022

The aim of this research is to discover the value of peace conveyed by Haewon Sangsaeng, the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence, as espoused by Holy Teacher Kang Jeungsan (姜甑山, 1871~1909) and to evaluate its modern significance. To the faithful, Jeungsan is seen as the Supreme God who descended into the world in the Late Joseon Dynasty in the year 1871. Until the time of His passing away into Heaven in 1909, He vastly saved the world and fulfilled the hopes of humankind by carrying out the fundamentally innovative Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth (1901~1909) in the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. He has thereby been appraised as a great religious figure within religious and academic circles. Jeungsan's ideological contributions can be summarized into two main points. One is the concept of 'the Great Opening and the Later World,' which foreshadowed the liquidation of the old system of order and the arrival of a new world. The other contribution is the concept of 'the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence,' a fundamental principle meant to achieve human salvation and world peace. In this context, 'the Great Opening' is precisely a 'positivistic religious expression of peace,' and 'the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence' is the principle by which 'peace can be achieved in the world for all humankind.' In particular, the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence is a tenet within the doctrine of Daesoon Jinrihoe, and it is the main concept that forms the basis of Daesoon Thought. It can be said to be the core current that flows through Jeungsan's Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth. Nowadays, the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence is being discussed and cited in various ways in academic fields as well as in discourse on coexistence, mutual beneficence, and peace. The Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence is specifically based on observations of the structure of conflicts as observed throughout world history via global conflicts, regional conflicts, cultural conflicts, ideological conflicts, class conflicts, generational conflicts, racial conflicts, religious conflicts, and other such conflicts. That is why the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence is discussed in depth within academic settings wherein the nature of conflict-resolution is examined. Looking at the previous studies on this topic, those studies tended to focus on key concepts or concerns such as human beings, divine beings, the earthly paradise of the Later World, ideal societies, world peace, new principles of order, and lasting peace. In particular, the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence has been presented as directly related to concepts such as love, coexistence, harmony, and peace for humankind and the world. Its significance has been applied to ethics, philosophy, order, and principles, and it has been understood as conveying values such as peace. Accordingly, this paper examines the ideological connections to the succession and establishment of Jeungsan's notion of the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence based on previous research, but further examines the value of peace communicated via the principles and ideas that pervade current discourse on the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence. I hope to thoroughly explore Haewon Sangsaeng in regards to its modern significance to the world and to humankind.

• English Language & Literature Teaching
• /
• v.8 no.2
• /
• pp.39-54
• /
• 2003

This paper looks into the ideological discourse embedded in D. H. Lawrence's Sons and Lovers. Sons and Lovers is an autobiographical novel which necessarily carries the author's own experiences. For this reason, it reflects the social and historical background upon which the narrative is displayed. Sons and Lovers is full of the historical characteristics of the late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century England. This essay closely reads the class struggles of the time in Sons and Lovers. In most of Lawrence's novels, the class struggles appear in the form of the marriage of two people from different classes. In Sons and Lovers, the hegemonic conflicts between Walter Morel and Gertrude Morel clearly show the class struggles of the time. Also, this paper disentangles the complicated stories of William and Paul and shows the general tragedy of English young men of the time. In the end, it will show that Sons and Lovers is a fully loaded ideological discourse.

• Korean Journal of Child Studies
• /
• v.21 no.2
• /
• pp.5-16
• /
• 2000

This study compared the meaning of words in the play songs of the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea(DPRK). Sixteen children who had escaped from North Korea participated in this survey in Seoul by responding to a questionnaire. In the DPRK, children sing formal songs, used as instruments of ideological socialization. Among the songs were 4 composed prior to the creation of the DPRK in 1945. The other songs were composed after 1945 and exhibited ideological characteristics. Despite differences in sources, themes, and ideologies of play songs, some of them contained common themes, materials, rhythms, and typical Korean emotional structure. Considering the power of play songs in spreading cultural influence, they might be the key to resolving psychological conflicts of both Koreas after unification.

• English & American cultural studies
• /
• v.18 no.2
• /
• pp.79-104
• /
• 2018

Chung Ji Yong is a well-known poet in the Japanese Occupation Period firstly as a lyrical and traditional poet as a member of the literary journal Simunhak(Poetry Literature) along with Park Yong Chul and Kim Young Rang and later as a prominent modernist poet in the late years of the Period. He is always highly estimated as a poet of pictorial images and lyricism, but his ardor for translations, especially Walt Whitman has been neglected so far. Before him, Ju Yohan, Yi Kwang Soo, Yi Un Sang, Kim Hyung Won and many other poets and critics had been interested in Whitman's democratic ideas and his poems. Chung Ji Young also translated Whitman's three poems in the hard days of 1930s. After the Imperial Japan surrendered to the Allied forces on 15 August 1945, ending 35 years of Japanese occupation, Korea was under the American forces and Russian troops. In this critical days of Korean's debating only one korea or separated Koreas, strangely enough, Chung ji Yong fully immersed in translating Whitman's poems only for four years as an English literature professor just before being abducted by North Korean Army, while almost discarding his own poetic ability and sense of duty as a leading poet in the literary circle with only just a few exceptions. Why did Chung Ji Yong focused on the translation of Whitman's poems in this important period as a poet and intellectual in the newly independent country? He may want to warn people too much ideological conflicts or at least express his frustration through translating Whitman's poems. Until now, academic endeavors on Chung Ji Yong's poems and life are focused on his lyrical and modernistic works of the Japanese Occupation Period and naturally little interested in the days of Independence period and his true motivations on translating Whitman's poems. As a proposal, this short article can be a minor trigger for the sincere efforts of Chung Ji Yong's last days.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.53
• /
• pp.5-28
• /
• 2011

This research examines the recent increasingly intensified non-reporting phenomenon by the press in South Korea and its legitimacy and validity. Non-reporting denotes cases in which the press does not report on significant issues in society. Although journalism scholars have raised this question, it remains unaddressed through case studies and formal criticism. This research compares the reporting and non-reporting by major media groups of cases related to the surveillance of civilians by the National Intelligence Service and the Defense Security Command under the Ministry of National Defense. This research specifies that the non-reporting phenomenon relates not to the ability to report, but to willingness to report, due to intervention by political factionalism of media groups. The non-reporting phenomenon results from the press ignoring their basic responsibility stemming from journalistic ethics and their social responsibility to fulfill their readers' right to know. Accordingly, this research revealed that the non-reporting phenomenon cannot be justified through diverse theoretical discussions and the journalistic code of ethics. Through the logical framework of public opinions and diverse empirical data to support it, this research demonstrates that the non-reporting phenomenon produces not unhelpful, but harmful effects to resolutions to ideological dissent in South Korean society.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.24 no.3
• /
• pp.5-28
• /
• 2018

The recent changes in Korean elections are mainly characterized as the downfall of the Conservative party. It is surprising, considering that the conservative party gained the historical support from the electorate in 2012, just several years ago. This paper claims that the downfall of the Conservative party is mostly derived from the perceptual conflicts and inconsistencies in the mind of the conservatives. The findings show clearly both attitude conflicts for the conservatives and its effect of asymmetrical (in)activation of participation. As their preferences to the conservative candidate and party became weaken, the conservatives remained to be inactive participants in elections. On the other hand, the liberals could make political decisions easily, having popular candidate and preferable political party. It suggests that, in order to participate, the electorate needs attractive candidate as well as parties to support in election. To revive as an active political actor, the conservative party should focus on the search of attractive candidates for the conservative electorate and reform the party in accordance with ideological preference of the electorate.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
• /
• v.11 no.8
• /
• pp.2860-2867
• /
• 2010

In this research, I tried to make a comparative study of ideological characteristics of Industrial Relations between Korea and U.K., based on the presupposition that ideologies of Industrial Relations' Actors played an important role in Industrial Relations. U.K. have a voluntary and pluralistic ideological tradition of Industrial Relations, therefore U.K. is very rational to adjust and integrate different ideologies of actors. Meanwhile Korea have unrealistic, exclusive and rigid ideologies, therefore these have played a important role in worsening labor-management conflicts. For example strikes frequencies and workers involved in strikes are relatively few, but Workdays Lost due to strikes are very severe because of long strike durations, compared to U.K. Consequently national economic loss due to strikes has been severe. Korea trade unions are various and poor, but at the same time not mutual understanding in ideologies. Therefore from the viewpoint that strength in U.K.'s Industrial Relations stands on the power of adjusting different ideologies, we have to diminish the disparities between ideologies and realities of Industrial Relations through public discussion.