• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.25
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• pp.775-798
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• 2011

From Post-Modern Edo-language of Japan, it is possible to find expression formats related to current Tokyo language. However, in some cases, Tokyo language and Edo-language has the same format but different usage. One example is the ending portion of a sentence. This research investigates conclusive expressions of Edo-language in literary works excluding the usage of "ダ". Various formats of conclusive expressions appear in a conversation, and the usage is closely related to the speaker's sex, age, and social status. Also from the study, it was possible to see that the social relationship between a speaker and a listener and a conversation circumstance has an effect on the usage of conclusive expressions. In addition, usage does not conform to the current standard Japanese. 1. Currently "である(dearu)" format is seldom used in speaking, it is used with "だ" only in writing. The study found no case of "である(dearu)" in conclusive expressions but some use of "であろうて(dearoute) であらうな(dearouna)" "であったのう(deattanou) であったよ(deattayo)" only in old aged male. 2. "であります(dearimasu)" format is a typical Edo-language used by society-women (Japanese hostess who has a good education and an elegant speaking skills). This format was used once in "浮世風呂"(ukiyoburo) and 14 times in "梅?"(umegoyomi), but speakers were always a female. The reason for 14 occurrences in "梅?" is closely related to the fact that the main characters are society-women and genre is "人情本(ninjoubourn)" which is popular type of cultural literature (based on humanity and romance) in late Edo period. 3. "でござる" format is originally used as a respect-language but later changed to a polite language. The format is always used by male. It is a male language used by old aged people with a genteel manner such as a medical doctor, a retired man, or a funny-song writer. 4. "ございます(gozaimasu) ごぜへます(gozeemasu)" The study found the speaker's social status has a connection with the use of "ごぜへます(gozeemasu)" format. Which is "ございます(gozaimasu)" format but instead of [ai], long vowel [eː] is used. "ごぜへます(gozeemasu)" is more used by a female than a male and only used by young and mid-to-low class people. The format has a tough nuance and less elegant feel, therefore high class and/or educated ladies have a clear tendency to avoiding it

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.77-87
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• 2019

The study aimed to develop Speech Range Profile (SRP) and to examine and validate its clinical application. Forty-five participants without voice disorders aged 18-29 years were compared using SRP and Voice Range Profile (VRP). The authors developed the "Fire!" paragraph as a SRP task compromising 14 sentences including all Korean spoken phonemes and sentence types. To compare SRP and VRP results, the participants read the paragraph (reading) and counted from 21 to 30 (counting) as a part of SRP tasks, and produced a vowel /a/ from low to high frequencies (gliding) and a shortened form of the VRP as a part of VRP tasks. $F0_{max}$, $F0_{min}$, $F0_{range}$, $I_{max}$, $I_{min}$, and $I_{range}$ for each task were measured and compared, showing that $F0_{max}$, $F0_{min}$, $F0_{range}$, $I_{max}$, and $I_{range}$ were not different between reading and gliding. $I_{min}$, had the lowest value in counting. It is concluded that the newly developed SRP task, reading the "Fire" paragraph, can yield a maximum phonation range similar to that found by VRP. Therefore, it is expected that voice evaluation can be effectively performed in a relatively short time by applying SRP with the "Fire" paragraph, a functional utterance task, in place of VRP, which may be difficult to measure long term or in cases of severe voice disorders.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.67-75
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• 2022

This study compared voice range profiles (VRPs) of modal and falsetto register in 53 dysphonic and 53 non-dysphonic adult women with gliding vowel /a/'. The results shows that maximum fundamental frequency (F0_MAX), maximum intensity (I_MAX), F0 range (F0_RANGE), and intensity range (I_RANGE) are lower in the dysphonic group than in the non-dysphonic group. F0_MAX and F0_RANGE are significantly higher in falsetto register than modal register in both groups. I_MAX and I_RANGE are significantly higher in falsetto register in the non-dysphonic group, but those are not different between two registers in the dysphonic group. There was no statistically significant difference in minimum F0 (F0_MIN) and minimum intensity (I_MIN) between the two groups. Modal-falsetto register transition occurred at 378.86 Hz (F4#) in the dysphonic group and 557.79 Hz (C5#) in the non-dysphonic group, which was significantly lower in the dysphonic group. It can be seen that both modal and falsetto registers in dysphonic adult women are reduced compared to non-dysphoinc adult women, indicating that the vocal folds of dysphonic adult women are not easy to vibrate in high pitches. The results of this study would be the basic data for understanding the acoustic features of voice disorders.

• Proceedings of the KSPS conference
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• 1996.10a
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• pp.246-246
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• 1996

Purpose: Some of the properties of the prosodic phrasing and some acoustic and phonological effects of contrastive focus on the tonal pattern of Seoul Korean is explored based on a brief experiment of analyzing the fundamental frequency(=FO) contour of the speech of the author. Data Base and Analysis Procedures: The examples were chosen to contain mostly nasal and liquid consonants, since it is difficult to track down the formants in stops and fricatives during their corresponding consonantal intervals and stops may yield an effect of unwanted increase in the FO value due to their burst into the following vowel. All examples were recorded three times and the spectrum of the most stable repetition was generated, from which the FO contour of each sentence was obtained, the peaks with a value higher than 250Hz being interpreted as a high tone (=H). The result is then discussed within the prosodic hierarchy framework of Selkirk (1986) and compared with the tonal pattern of the Northern Kyungsang dialect of Korean reported in Kenstowicz & Sohn (1996). Prosodic Phrasing: In N.K. Korean, H never appears both on the object and on the verb in a neutral sentence, which indicates the object and the verb form a single Phonological Phrase ($={\phi}$), given that there is only one pitch peak for each $={\phi}$. However, Seoul Korean shows that both the object and the verb have H of their own, indicating that they are not contained in one $={\phi}$. This violates the Optimality constraint of Wrap-XP (=Enclose a lexical head and its arguments in one $={\phi}$), while N.K. Korean obeys the constraint by grouping a VP in a single $={\phi}$. This asymmetry can be resolved through a constraint that favors the separate grouping of each lexical category and is ranked higher than Wrap-XP in Seoul Korean but vice versa in N.K. Korean; $Align-x^{lex}$ (=Align the left edge of a lexical category with that of a $={\phi}$). (1) nuna-ka manll-ll mEk-nIn-ta ('sister-NOM garlic-ACC eat-PRES-DECL') a. (LLH) (LLH) (HLL) ----Seoul Korean b. (LLH) (LLL LHL) ----N.K. Korean Focus and Phrasing: Two major effects of contrastive focus on phonological phrasing are found in Seoul Korean: (a) the peak of an Intonatioanl Phrase (=IP) falls on the focused element; and (b) focus has the effect of deleting all the following prosodic structures. A focused element always attracts the peak of IP, showing an increase of approximately 30Hz compared with the peak of a non-focused IP. When a subject is focused, no H appears either on the object or on the verb and a focused object is never followed by a verb with H. The post-focus deletion of prosodic boundaries is forced through the interaction of StressFocus (=If F is a focus and DF is its semantic domain, the highest prominence in DF will be within F) and Rightmost-IP (=The peak of an IP projects from the rightmost $={\phi}$). First Stress-F requires the peak of IP to fall on the focused element. Then to avoid violating Rightmost-IP, all the boundaries after the focused element should delete, minimizing the number of $={\phi}$'s intervening from the right edge of IP. (2) (omitted) Conclusion: In general, there seems to be no direct alignment constraints between the syntactically focused element and the edge of $={\phi}$ determined in phonology; all the alignment effects come from a single requirement that the peak of IP projects from the rightmost $={\phi}$ as proposed in Truckenbrodt (1995).