• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.8
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• pp.239-270
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• 2010

This thesis is to make an appropriate national defense policy of Republic of Korea through studying the Hegemony Strategy of United States. I searched the theory of hegemony. The hegemony was differently defined by the point of time and region. The strong power nations with the hegemony have been making efforts to maintain their hegemony everytime. I have conclusion that the presence of hegemony once emerged, it brought regional stability in place whether it is coercive or beneficial. The stability and instability of international order IS not exclusively dependent on hegemony. Even if the safety of hegemony cannot guarantee absolute stability of international order, there IS on doubt that the hegemony has enormous impact on that. According to the hegemonic theory, the history of mankind equals to the history of rising and falling hegemony. The international order was changed as the hegemony changes. The United States has been making efforts to maintain her global hegemony during the post cold-war era as well. Taking all these into consideration, relevant military strategy direction able to pursue national interest is that to make up for the relative weakness in the strategic environment. South Korea have to prepare security policy response as following. First, South Korea should build the military force equipped with advanced weapons in military technology sector and solidify military diplomatic relation able to form cooperative relation in wartime. Second, South Korea should make solid Alliance of Korea and U.S. Third, develop and maintain multilateral security cooperation of East Asia. Forth, we could realize that there are means that can neutralize opponent's strong point by seeking one or two and more asymmetry in the aspect of strategy, tactics, and means through asymmetric strategy. Than the military force of South Korea should develop into a force that is able to overcome to the traditional North Korea's threat and new type of conflicts. And the force should have sufficient strength and be deployed to effectively defend the Korean Peninsula. So, we need to establish a denial and defense system against any hostile neighboring country. Therefore, ROK military forces preparing for the future should try to construct a future military power to gradually establish enough strength for self-defense to prepare for a uncertain security environment and when the Korean Peninsula is unified in a future.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.89-126
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• 2013

The Red shirts came to attract attention of the international community during April to May in 2010 by successfully organizing explosive popular demonstrations. The momentum was the military coup on September 9, 2006. The Red color was chosen amid movements against the new constitution instituted under the military junta. In discourse struggles, the Red shirts compared their resistance against the Democratic Party government lead by Abhisit Vejjajiva to that of phrai (commoner or serfs) against ammart (aristocrats or bureaucrats) under the pre-modern reign of sakdina. The Red shirts strongly accused Prem Tinsulanonda, the chief of the Privy Council, of being a mastermind of 2006 military coup, who symbolically represents the cohesion between the palace and the military. It has constituted an unprecedented defiance towards national taboo where the trinity of Nation, Religion, and King has been consecrated. The objective of this article is to review the Red Shirts' ideology, organizations and activities in terms of the modernized phrai's struggles for expanding counter-hegemony. While Antonio Gramsci focused on why socialist revolution had failed to materialize in capitalist Western Europe, I pay attention to why political liberalism has failed to wash away pre-modernity and take root in capitalist Thailand, applying the Gramscian concept of hegemony by contrasting 'hybrid ammart' with 'modernized phrai'.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.19
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• pp.37-50
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• 2010

The purpose of this paper is to explore the hegemonic masculinity in Disney animated feature films in terms of Antonio Gramsci's hegemony and R. W. Connell's hegemonic masculinity. According to Gramsci, hegemony refers to the predominance of a dominant group over other groups. By the same token, Connell uses the term hegemony as the configuration of gender practice which embodies the domination of men and the subordination of women. He describes four masculinities to explore male hierarchy in male groups: hegemonic masculinity, subordinated masculinity, complicit masculinity, and marginalized masculinity. Through Connell's terms, this study investigates masculinities in Disney films, especially Beauty and the Beast (1991) in relation to hegemonic masculinity. As a result, Disney describes repeatedly hegemonic masculinity as hard body defined by Susan Jeffords and supports tacitly the domination of a specific male group.

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.224-257
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• 2017

As the Trump administration withdraws the Paris Climate Agreement and shows its antipathy toward free trade, the U.S.'s soft power is most likely to weaken and its behaviors could be perceived as acts to surrender the U.S. hegemonic leadership in the world stage. Hegemonic stability theory notes that the existence of a hegemonic power contributes to international stability in the sense that it provides international public goods. A lack of the U.S's leadership in international politics, however, could be recognized as its denial of a hegemonic status. Is it intentional or accidental? The U.S's denial of hegemonic roles is the byproduct of the Trump administration's "American First" policy, not the showcase of its intention to transit hegemony to others. What is noteworthy is that China targets a niche market of hegemony as the U.S. denies its roles as the international leader. Put it another way, China attempts to ride hegemony for free when the U.S. denies its hegemonic roles accidentally. Faced with a niche market of hegemony, China has begun to accelerate its national strategy to make "Chinese Dream" come true. To that end, China promised again to keep the Paris Climate Agreement and attempts to play more active its roles in Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO), Asia Infra Investment Bank(AIIB), and "One Belt, One Road". Despite all these efforts, the U.S. is most likely to withdraw its denial of hegemony any time soon. The U.S's resumption of Freedom of Navigation Operations(FONOPs) could be a precursor of the return to a hegemonic power's willingness. In this vein, it is noteworthy that the South China Sea serves as a quasi-war zone for hegemonic conflict.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.51-68
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• 2011

The purpose of this paper is to review China's perception on the U.S. power after the global financial crisis. Although economic power of U.S. was declined by the global financial crisis, U.S. hegemony in the international order still maintains. Gap of national power between U.S. and China may be narrow because of decline of U.S. economic power. It can be predicted China will push a policy that secures an initiative of reform in the global monetary system and is going to take a more cooperative policy without U.S. hegemony power harming China's core interests.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.181-203
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• 2023

Cultures often adopt the good versus evil dichotomy within their narratives of religious texts, aural anecdotes, and cultural mythologies. The Ramayana narrates a divine story that transcends time of the battle between the forces of good and evil, between Prince Rama and Ravana. Numerously adapted through time, the Ramayana is today told through moving visuals and has been adapted by Mani Ratnam through Raavanan (2010). Raavanan is adapted to the premise of hero versus villain using the good versus evil premise as Dev Prakash (Rama) searches to rescue his wife Raagini (Sita), who is abducted by Veeraiya (Ravana). The film, however, departs from the Ramayana as Raavanan is told through the perspective of Veeraiya. In the film, Veeraiya is portrayed as a flawed anti-hero who battles against injustice instead of being the antagonist. He seeks revenge for his sister and stands up against the oppression of his tribe. In this battle, he questions ideological understandings of justice and morality that have been conventionally interpellated within society. This paper discusses how Mani Ratnam, through the film Raavanan, contests hegemony, ideology, and class differences within modern cinema and society alongside the more significant question surrounding India's sociocultural conditions.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.121-146
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• 2012

The purpose of this paper is to study on China's emergence and its influence on international society against the U.S. hegemony. Recently, China's influence has proliferated in Central Asia as well as East Asia at a rapid rate. China, through its soft balancing strategy, increased its influence in Central Asia in response to the U.S. power and behavior. This study analyzes the relationship among China and Central Asia with the view of soft balancing theory. In order to determine whether China's strategy on Central Asia is soft balancing, this paper presents three indicators: 1) Second-tier major power is willing to take a strategy that increase diplomatic cost of hegemony or counter the hegemony influence through using regional and global multilateral cooperation. 2) Second-tier major power is willing to not only increase its influence by strengthening regional economic cooperation, but also check the extension of the hegemony economic influence into its boundary. 3) Second-tier major power intends to prevent expanding hegemony military influence into the region through limited military cooperation and increasing military spending, and denying territory. This paper analyze China's multi-polar strategy, economic and energy cooperation with Central Asia countries, and the military and security cooperation with multilateral organizations such as SCO.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.477-498
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• 2010

The Reasons which Rose Revolution, Orange Revolution, and Lemon Revolution had been much argued in international society are as follows: Firstly, the important fact was that authoritarian governments in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan were collapsed not by physical violences and military forces, but by unblooded civil movements, so called Civil Revolution. And it is also called as Colorful Revolution. Secondly, during the advance of three Civil Revolution, hegemony conflicts between Russia and western powers including US appeared. In fact, tensions between the two countries, Russia and US had already occurred in Post-soviet region after dissolution of Soviet Union. Thirdly, as a result of three Civil Revolution, there were built up fullest attentions in international societies about the possibilities of other civil revolutions, that is to say, 'Colorful Revolution' among the countries which were the republics of former USSR. In this respect, in this investigation of Lemon Revolution in Kyrgyzstan as like Rose Revolution in Georgia and Orange Revolution in Ukraine, this article examined the roles and supports toward NGOs of Western powers including US. To my opinion, it is likely that NGOs, with powerful sponsors, become political bodies working through networks and media rather than being rooted in civil society and acting on behalf of citizens. And that powerful sponsors, directly or indirectly financed by outside governments, become involved in political activities. So NGOs have been important roles in promoting civil revolution as political agencies and more political instruments of foreign governments. In the long run, through the Colorful Revolution, it is better to understand that hegemony struggle is beginning between external concerned superpowers including US and Russia, rather than hegemony struggle having directly broke out.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.20
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• pp.323-346
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• 2010

This study reviews critical literatures regarding Asian cinema, focusing on studies of Japanese cinema, to show that Western scholarship on non-Western national cinemas have been divided into two approaches: traditionalism and modernism. It argues that such a division is not merely a critical tendency but indicative of the fact that a national cinema is an internally divided construct. To support the point, this study examines Chinese film studies conducted by Chinese film critics and the history of South Korean cinema during the 1970s and 80s. Then, it proposes the hegemony model to theorize the inner structure of national cinema. It finally suggests the possibility of comparative film study that the national cinema thesis may activate.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.16
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• pp.129-140
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• 2002