• The Journal of the Korean Society for Microbiology
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.7-11
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• 1973

The authors identified eighty-eight Shigella cultures among about four thousands specimens collected from all over the country in 1972. Of eighty-eight cultures, seventy-seven cultures belonged to Shigella flexneri and eleven cultures to Shigella sonnei. None of cultures belonging to either subgroup A or C was detected in 1972. Of seventy-seven cultures of Shigella flexneri one was $B_{1b}$, fifty-six were $B_{2a}$, nine were $B_{3a}$, six were $B_{4a}$, three were By and one was each of $B_{3b}$ and $B_{3c}$. Of eleven cultures of Shigella sonnei seven cultures appeared to be phase I and the others phase II. Although there was quite a difference found in the incidence of isolating Shigella organisms between different areas as shown in Table 1, it would not be possible to understand that there might not have been the cases or carriers of Shigella in the areas where the organisms were not isolated in 1972. Concerning the biochemical properties it was not possible to compare the results obtained from the decarboxylase and dihydrolase tests with them obtained in previous years except that of lysine decarboxylase tests since they were not reported individually by the different serotypes in the previous reports. These results obtained in 1972 would be the data for the future comparison. In regards to the antibiotics-sensitivity of Shigella cultures the most of them showed sensitive results to nitrofurantoin, ampicillin, cephalosporin, gentamycin and geopen, and the majority of them appeared to be resistant to cloxacillin, tetracycline and streptomycin by means of the In Vitro tests.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.5
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• pp.43-80
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• 2007

PASKYULA was formed in September, 1923 through the union of artists involved in two art groups: Kim Ki-Jin, Kim Bok-Jin, Yeon Hak-Nyeon who had previously participated in the ToWolHoi, and Park Young-Hi, Lee Sang-Hwa, An Seok-Ju, former members of the BaeckJo. After its founding, the PASKYULA artists had been searching for the social function of art to reform the harsh reality of Minjung and the nation with criticism toward society as well as art world. Their art theory for MinJung could grow relatively ease in relation to changing social and political conditions in the early 1920s. In August, 1925, PASKYULA organized the Korea Artista Proletaria Federatio with the YeomGunSa, and laid the groundwork for Proletariat art movement which was regularized in the late 1920s. From PASKYULA up to the early state of KAPF, the theory of art advocated by Kim Bok-Jin and An Seok-Ju could be summarized as "art for MinJung". At that time, widely ranging discourses on MinJung, however, was spawned in art theory, because many intellectuals-including artists and writers-begun to pay more attention to MinJung, who emerged as one of the social forces after the Samil Independent Movement. Sometimes, MinJung was construed as the target of enlightenment from a negative viewpoint. On the other hand, several intellectuals under the influence of individualism asserted that the discussion itself on MinJung exerted an evil influence on art. In contrast of these cases, the PASKYULA artists including Kim Bok-Jin, An Seok-Ju perceived that MinJung had the potential to change society, and regarded them as "a creator of genuine civilization and art". In the PASKYULA artist's writings, the concept of MinJung was often overlapped with the meaning of the Choson nation suffering under colony. Although their concept of MinJung was transformed gradually into the proletariat as they were under the strong influence of socialism, it did not change that they grasped the realities of the whole Choson Peninsula through the proletarian consciousness. In the early state of PASKYULA, the methodology for social function of art was presented in a twofold manner. First of all, Kim Bok-Jin emphasized on the necessity of education to improve MinJung's way of life through art, and it was embodied by the organization of ToWol Art Workshop and public lecture. Also, he championed "the popularization of art", which was one of methods to distribute art to MinJung. According to the PASKYULA artists, art should be not art for art' sake but art for MinJung. That was why they advocated the convergence of art and MinJung's life. Especially Kim Bok-Jin affirmed a link between art and industry because he considered industry the field inextricably linked with MinJung's life. In this context, his idea could be read as the generalization and equalization within the framework of possession. Kim Bok-Jin thought that the social ramifications of capitalism deprived MinJung of their right to enjoy art, and emphasized the artist' social role to return the right to them. That is, the even distribution of art was mainly discussed than the contents of art in the half of 1920s. By 1925, the contents of art itself became an issue in the PASKYULA art theory, and it was based in realism. Kim Bok-Jin and An Seok-Ju insisted that art should be reflection of real life. At that time, realism acquired the representation of MinJung and the nation's realities not realistic style. In fact, the various Western art styles including Futurism, Constructivism, Cubism etc. were exploited in the PASKYULA's visual images. Western art, target of criticism on theory, was selectively adopted in the works which were produced by Kim Bok-Jin and An Seok-Ju. Kim Bok-Jin's MoonYeUnDong cover design was conceived of as the example in which Western art was adopted with it's ideology under the influence of MAVO, while Western art shown in An Seok-Ju's illustrations served as a decorative function in many cases. Especially, An Seok-Ju attempted the various styles of Western art simultaneously, which may be seen as representing that PASKYULA did not have a firm ideology for their style. Also, it can be read as showing his hasty zeal to overcome Western art rapidly. The wish to establish "art for MinJung" as soon as possible was accompanied with the will to jump over the all steps of Western art though it was superficial. This aspiration of PASKYULA was expressed through the mass media, which had the potential for communicating to MinJung. At this point, there was a significant disparity between PASKYULA and another art groups in the first half of 1920s. However, the PASKYULA's method on the basis of the mass media could not but have a certain limitation because of the medium's properties. Nevertheless, PASKYULA' attempts may be considered to be valuable in sense that they expended the boundaries of Korean modern art into the commercial art questioning the matter of the distribution for art.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.53
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• pp.337-374
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• 2017

Wer wegen eines Wahldelikts zu Geldstrafe von mehr als 1 Million Won verurteilt wird, verliert nach ${\S}$ 18 Abs. 1 Satz 3, ${\S}$ 19 Satz 1, ${\S}$ 266 des Koreanischen Wahlgesetzes $f{\ddot{u}}r$ die Dauer von $f{\ddot{u}}nf$ Jahren die $F{\ddot{a}}higkeit$, ${\ddot{o}}ffentliche$ ${\ddot{A}}mter$ zu bekleiden und Rechte aus ${\ddot{o}}ffentlichen$ Wahlen. Bei Verurteilung zu Freiheitsstrafe wegen eines Wahldelikts ${\ddot{A}}mter$ sich die Dauer des Verlusts der $Amtsf{\ddot{a}}higkeit$ und des aktiven bzw. passiven Walhrechts auf 10 Jahre. Dies erfolgt kraft Gesetzes. Das $hei{\ss}t$, dass die Entscheidung ${\ddot{u}}ber$ das Ob und die Dauer des Verlusts nicht im Ermessen des Gerichts steht. Allerdings sollte $diesbez{\ddot{u}}glich$ nicht verkannt werden, dass ein deratriger Entzug von $Amtsf{\ddot{a}}higkeit$, $W{\ddot{a}}hlbarkeit$ u.s.w., mit dem eine Straftat geahndet werden soll, selber von Natur aus eine Art Strafen darstellt. Der im ${\S}$ 41 des Koreanischen StGB geregelte Strafen-Katalog $enth{\ddot{a}}lt$ $n{\ddot{a}}mlich$ eine zeitlich begrenzte Aberkennung des oben genannten ${\ddot{o}}ffentliche$n Rechtsstatus als eine Art Ehrenstrafen. Nicht einleuchtend ist, warum das Wesen der Sanktion $gem{\ddot{a}}{\ss}$ ${\S}$ 18 Abs. 1 Satz 3, ${\S}$ 19 Satz 1, ${\S}$ 266 des Koreanischen Wahlgesetzes, die den gleichen Zweck und die gleiche Rechtsfolge wie die im ${\S}$ 41 des Koreanischen StGB geregelte Ehrenstrafe hat, nicht als Strafe aufgefasst werden sollte. Handelt es sich bei der oben genannten Sanktion um eine Art Ehrenstrafen, so stellt sich die Anforderung, sie je nach der Eigenart der begangenen Tat bzw. des $T{\ddot{a}}ters$ zu individualisieren. Das Gebot der Individualisierung der Strafen, welches $haupts{\ddot{a}}chlich$ vom materiellen Rechtsstaatsprinzip ableitbar ist, kann im Grunde nur verwirklicht werden, wenn das Gericht dazu befugt ist, unter $Ber{\ddot{u}}cksichtigung$ der konkreten $Umst{\ddot{a}}nde$ jedes Einzelfalls ${\ddot{u}}ber$ eine angemessene Strafe zu befinden. Somit ist der kraft Gesetzes eintretenden Verlust der $Amtsf{\ddot{a}}higkeit$ und der $W{\ddot{a}}hlbarkeit$ nur schwer mit dem Gebot der Individualisierung der Strafen vereinbar. Es $w{\ddot{a}}re$ deshalb $w{\ddot{u}}nschenswert$, wenn der Gesetzgeber eine Reform in Betracht ziehen $w{\ddot{u}}rde$, welche den Ersatz des kraft Gesetzes automatisch eintretenden Entzugs der $Amtsf{\ddot{a}}higkeit$ bzw. des Wahlrechts durch die gerichtliche fakultative Aberkennung von diesen Statusrechten beinhaltet.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.44
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• pp.283-314
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• 2013

Das koreanische Verwaltungsprozessgesetz (KVwPG) wurde am 24. 8. 1951 kodifiziert. Es hat bisher mehrmals $ge{\ddot{a}}ndert$. Der Regierungsentwurf des KVwPG-${\ddot{A}}nderungsgesetzes$ vom 30. 3. 2013, ist fast $drei{\ss}ig$ jahre nach der Novellierung des KVwPGs 1984 erfolgt und auch spiegelt sich die Erfolge der $Bem{\ddot{u}}hungen$ in Literatur und Rechtsprechung wider. Aber es gibt nicht nur einige Unterschiede zwischen dem Regierungsentwurf und dem Entwurf der Kommission des Justizministeriums zur ${\ddot{A}}nderung$ des KVwPG (dem sog. Kommissionsentwurf), sondern auch der Regierungsentwurf ist theoretisch nicht problemlos. Vor allem sind Begriff und Umfang der neuen Klagebefugnis nicht klar. Des weiteren sind in ${\S}$ 12 des Regierungsentwurfs die Klagebefugnis mit dem $Rechtsschutzbed{\ddot{u}}rfnis$ identisch gesehen. Der $Rechtsschutzbed{\ddot{u}}rfnis$ nach ${\S}$ 12 Satz 2 des Regierungsentwurfs kann aus meiner Sicht relativ eng ausgelegt. Die $Einf{\ddot{u}}hrung$ der Verpflichtugnsklage in den Regierungsentwurf ist sehr gut, aber es kann trotzdem als problematisch angesehen werden dass Feststellungsklage der Rechtswidrigkeit der Unterlassung und Anfechtungsklage gegen Ablehnung bestehen noch. Der Begriff der Unterlassung ist $unn{\ddot{o}}tig$ und auch strikt. $Vorl{\ddot{a}}ugier$ Rechtsschutz des Regierungsentwurfs ist unter dem Gesichtpunkt der Rechtsschutz der $B{\ddot{u}}rger$ noch zu verbessern, aber doch das Modell des japanischen Verwaltungsprozessgesetzes darf nicht befolgt werden. Aufbau und System des $vorl{\ddot{a}}ufigen$ Rechtsschutzes sind auch nicht eindeutig. Nach Gegenstand und Klageart muss das Institut des $vorl{\ddot{a}}ufigen$ Rechtsschutzes in Ordnung gebracht werden. Es ist nicht ${\ddot{u}}berzeugend$ dass die $Einw{\ddot{a}}nde$ gegen die $Einf{\ddot{u}}hrung$ der vorbeugenden Unterlassung mit dem Gewaltenteilungsprinzip und der $Eigenst{\ddot{a}}ndigkeit$ der Verwaltung erhoben sind. $Dar{\ddot{u}}ber$ hinaus ist ADR (Alternative Dispute Resolution) zu beachten. In Bezug darauf ist Rechtgrundlage $f{\ddot{u}}r$ Mediation in der Verwaltungsgerichtsbarkeit zu stellen.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.383-397
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• 1999

For sites to be investigated, the results of such an investigation can be used in determining foals for cleanup, quantifying risks, determining acceptable and unacceptable risk, and developing cleanup plans t hat do not cause unnecessary delays in the redevelopment and reuse of the property. To do this, it is essential that an appropriately detailed study of the site be performed to identify the cause, nature, and extent of contamination and the possible threats to the environment or to any people living or working nearby through the analysis of samples of soil and soil gas, groundwater, surface water, and sediment. The migration pathways of contaminants also are examined during this phase. Key aspects of cost-effective site assessment to help standardize and accelerate the evaluation of contaminated soils at sites are to provide a simple step-by-step methodology for environmental science/engineering professionals to calculate risk-based, site-specific soil levels for contaminants in soil. Its use may significantly reduce the time it takes to complete soil investigations and cleanup actions at some sites, as well as improve the consistency of these actions across the nation. To achieve the effective site assessment, it requires the criteria for choosing the type of standard and setting the magnitude of the standard come from different sources, depending on many factors including the nature of the contamination. A general scheme for site-specific assessment consists of sequential Phase I, II, and III, which is defined by workplan and soil screening levels. Phase I are conducted to identify and confirm a site's recognized environmental conditions resulting from past actions. If a Phase 1 identifies potential hazardous substances, a Phase II is usually conducted to confirm the absence, or presence and extent, of contamination. Phase II involve the collection and analysis of samples. And Phase III is to remediate the contaminated soils determined by Phase I and Phase II. However, important factors in determining whether a assessment standard is site-specific and suitable are (1) the spatial extent of the sampling and the size of the sample area; (2) the number of samples taken: (3) the strategy of taking samples: and (4) the way the data are analyzed. Although selected methods are recommended, application of quantitative methods is directed by users having prior training or experience for the dynamic site investigation process.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.43 no.6
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• pp.1018-1023
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• 2010

Climatic change was observed and analyzed in view of impacts on agricultural ecosystem, inter alia on rice cropping. The changed climate gave rise to earlier transplanting of rice seedling and later harvest after 40 years. Also phenological change and prolonged growth duration was observed. The meteorological data was selected from the standardized climatological data of 30 year normals of 1960s and 2000s, which were published by Korea Meteorological Administration. Development stages and growing periods of rice crop were compared by analyzing critical and optimum temperatures of each growth stage during these two periods. The first appearance date of $15^{\circ}C$ was ranged from Apr. 29 to May 23 in the year-normals of 1960s and it varied from Apr. 24 to May 16 in the normals of 2000s. The difference of the first appearance date of $15^{\circ}C$ was 0~10 days earlier in the year-normals of 2000s than the 1960s. The last harvesting date was determined to be the last appearance date of mean air temperature $15^{\circ}C$. The difference in the last appearance date of $15^{\circ}C$ was 1 to 13 days later in the year-normals of 2000s than in 1960s. The plant height of a rice variety, Hwayoung-byeo was 101~109 cm in 4 local areas, Seoul, Kangneung, Kwangju and Daegu. The plant height became 1~4 cm taller under warm condition. Rice grain yields estimated with daily weather data for the year-normals of 1960s and 2000s were 453~580 kg $10a^{-1}$ and 409~484 kg $10a^{-1}$ respectively. Rice grain yield of the former period was 50~100 kg $10a^{-1}$ higher than that hat in the later period.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.117
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• pp.223-247
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• 2011

In der vorliegenden Arbeit geht es um das Primat des Seins und die Ereignisontologie, denen der Diskurshorizont zwischen der Ontologie der philosophischen Hermeneutik und der dichterischen $Repr{\ddot{a}}sentation$ der Seinsquelle in $H{\ddot{o}}lderlins$ spekulativem Gedicht, >Andenken<, das die spekulative Philsophie als eine Philosophie ${\ddot{u}}ber$ das Wissen um Ursein vor dem Denken darstellt, zugrunde liegt. $H{\ddot{o}}lderlins$ und Hermeneutische Ontologie nimmt erstens das Ursein, das die ontologische Voraussetzung des Denkens sei, als die nicht nur logische, sondern auch temporale Quelle auf Grund der Kritik an der reflexiven Struktur des modernen Denkens an. Zweitens suchen beide die $Gesinnungsm{\ddot{o}}glichkeit$ des Urseins, das niemals ein begreifbarer Gegenstand des Denkens war, deshalb immer schon ${\ddot{u}}ber$ das Denken ${\ddot{u}}bertrefflich$ ist, auf der ontologischen Seite aus der selbstnegierenden Bewegung des Seins, auf der erkenntnistheoretischen Seite aus dem sprachlichen Ausdruck des Seins: Insofern das reflexive Denken die analytische Unterscheidung zwn Prinzip hat, ist das Ursein deshalb der logische Ursprung des analytischen Denkens, weil das Unterschiedene aus dem Einen geteilt wird. Und das Ursein ist deshalb auch die geschichtsphilosophische Arsche, weil das Viele die geschichtliche Selbstentwicklung des Einen ist. Aus dessen Grund $l{\ddot{a}}sst$ das Sein, das allem vorausgeht, mit seiner geschichtlichen Selbsterscheinung als negativer $Selbstverkl{\ddot{a}}rung$ und darnit zugleich mit dem sprachlichen Ausdruck als der epischen Symbolisierung solcher Ereignissen sich selbst als etwas sein. Das Wort des Verstandes, das nur die Negationsbewegung der Analyse ist, kategorisch einbegrenzt ist, kann daher nicht das Verweilen bei dem Geschehen der $urspr{\ddot{u}}nglichen$ Seinsquelle sein. Das dichterische Wort, das der Stimme aus der Seinsquelle $zugeh{\ddot{o}}rig$ ist, ${\ddot{u}}bersetzt$ die Selbstbewegung des Urseins auf den hermeneutischen Sinnhorizont, in dessen Spielraum das Ursein sich selbst aussagt. $Schlie{\ss}lich$ hoffe ich damit, in dieser Arbeit davon ${\ddot{u}}berzeugend$ vorderseite zu legen, dass $H{\ddot{o}}lderlins$ Gedicht, >Andenken< nicht nur die poetische Gesinnung auf die Seinsquelle, sondern auch die hermeneutische Ontologie der Seinsquelle ist.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.78-117
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• 2017

Buddhism, which was subject to repression all over the early Joseon Dynasty, received a certain recognition from the state, because Buddhist monks had participated in the war of the Japanese invasion in 1592. On the other hand, however, one of the results was the destruction of many temples. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks themselves acted as players of Pungmul(people's percussive band music) for the rebuilding of Buddhist temples. These so-called "the Buddhist monks' Pungmul" is the imitation of former clowns' Pungmul and farmers' one that sometimes request money or rice at houses of villages. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the activities of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul were held all over the country. Today, there are "Bitnae Nongak(farmers'percussive band music)" in Kyeongsangbuk-do, "Beokku-noli(the drum play) in the areas of Yeosu and Gangjin in Jeollanam-do, the song of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul for the people's house spirits in the Gyeonggi-do, Gangwon-do and Chungcheong-do, and Namsadang-pae(the nomadic entertaining groups composed of only men), as clear pictures of it. In these things related to Nongak or Nongak relevant affairs, the shapes of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty remain clear. On the other hand, today the Namsadang-pae, which was formed as a result of Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty, was left only in the Chungcheong-do and Gyeonggi-do, because the temple construction in the Gyeonggi-do was made especially many in the late Joseon Dynasty. During the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks' Pungmul, which had long-lived and had taken place throughout the nation, had a great impact on Pungmul. There are the Buddhist elements, such as Gokkal(the Buddhist monk's peaked hat), paper flowers, the color band, the small drum, and Bara(small cymbals) are often found in the Pungmul of Korea. In the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, it is obviously important place in the Pungmul history of Korea. Research and studies on this subject should be made more in the future.

• Journal of Navigation and Port Research
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• v.42 no.6
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• pp.427-436
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• 2018

In this study, experimental and numerical analysis were performed on the survivability of a long pipe-type buoy structure in waves. The buoy structure is an articulated tower consisting of an upper structure, buoyancy module, and gravity anchor with long pipes forming the base frame. A series of experiment were performed in the ocean engineering basin of KRISO with the scaled model of 1/ 22 to evaluate the survivability of the buoy structure at West Sea in South Korea. Survival condition was considered as the wave of 50 year return period. Additional experiments were performed to investigate the effects of current and wave period. The factors considered for the evaluation of the buoy's survival were the pitch angle of the structure, anchor reaction force, and the number of submergence of the upper structure. Numerical simulations were carried out with the OrcaFlex, the commercial program for the mooring analysis, with the aim of performing mutual validation with the experimental results. Based on the evaluation, the behavior characteristics of the buoy structure were first examined according to the tidal conditions. The changes were investigated for the pitch angle and anchor reaction force at HAT and LAT conditions, and the results directly compared with those obtained from numerical simulation. Secondly, the response characteristics of the buoy structure were studied depending on the wave period and the presence of current velocity. Third, the number of submergence through video analysis was compared with the simulation results in relation to the submergence of the upper structure. Finally, the simulation results for structural responses which were not directly measured in the experiment were presented, and the structural safety discussed in the survival waves. Through a series of survivability evaluation studies, the behavior characteristics of the buoy structure were examined in survival waves. The vulnerability and utility of the buoy structure were investigated through the sensitivity studies of waves, current, and tides.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.198-221
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• 2009

Royal tombs of Joseon dynasty are the crystallization of history, ideology, culture, art, architecture, and ritual ceremony of Joseon dynasty, all mingled in one. So, they are very significant symbols showing 500 years of dynastic history as a whole. Among various factors comprising a royal tomb, stone figures surrounding grave mound are special factors as a symbol protecting it. Further among them, twelve zodiac images arrayed nearest to the grave mound represent the core of the function. Images of twelve zodiac signs originated from the tombs of the Unified Silla Kingdom are certain to hold important role and position in the construction of royal tombs, judging from huge scale and excellent sculptural art of them. However, both their scale and form had been gradually simplified in Goryeo and Joseon dynasty, thus the importance of them has been underestimated compared to other stone figures Images of twelve zodiac signs were very important factors which decorated royal tombs both as a protective role and as a concept of direction. Their historicity and symbolism cannot be neglected in that they had been transmitted to the royal tombs of Joseon dynasty. In this paper, images of twelve zodiac signs expressed in the royal tombs of Joseon dynasty are classified into 3 forms, and reviewed the origin and development of them for each period. They could be classified into 3 forms ; civil vassals with human body and head, civil vassals with human body and head wearing hat decorated with zodiac animals, Chinese characters of either zodiac signs or either a combination of 10 calendar signs and 8 trigrams. The above 3 forms originated from China and became a favorite motif to decorate the royal tombs from early Joseon period until late Joseon by replacing each other and thus changing along the course of the dynasty. In the meantime, we can see a unique character in the images of twelve zodiac signs of royal tombs of Joseon dynasty. In some cases, 24 directions are expressed in which 10 calender signs and 8 trigrams are composed altogether. Images of twelve zodiac signs in the royal bombs of Joseon dynasty are very significant as evidences by which we can confirm uniqueness and tradition of Korean tomb system transmitted from Unified Silla period.