• THE INTERNATIONAL COMMERCE & LAW REVIEW
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• v.34
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• pp.109-131
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• 2007

This paper has focusing CheongHaeJin's maritime trading activities between Korea, China and Japan in the 9th century. In operation of CheongHaeJin which Chang BoGo was given a key role, CheongHaeJin creates three nation's wealth in triangular trade among Korea, China and Japan. And also, CheongHaeJin's contribution is considerable to the maritime trade development of Northeast Asia through establishing trading advance base in China and Japan, and organizing Shilla's people in China. Chang BoGo justified the control over small business groups of the west and south sea of Korea and the east and south sea of China by keeping pirates away His trade groups controlled foreign trade of three countries: Shilla, the Dang Dynasty of China and Japan. They connected Persia, India, Southeast Asia, and China. CheongHaeJin's key success factors of the maritime activities are summarized as follows; There is a possibility of searching that successful factor from the people of operator of CheongHaeJin. Based on oceanic adventurous spirit with character and progressive thinking could complete the rally of sea influence and composition of fleets. Secondly, the success factor is the excellent operational ability and leadership which learned in the Dang Dynasty of China. Thirdly, In 9th century, International political context was suitable for CheongHaeJin's construction and operation. Such political circumstances had given to CheongHaeJin remunerative position. Finally, Although central government could not maintain the sea traffic securities, Chang BoGo's ocean trading fleets guaranteed the safe fishing industry of people and security of sea traffic.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.13 no.1 s.29
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• pp.35-42
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• 1989

The purpose of this study is to assort Sim-Eui form in Chosun Dynasty Period, so that we considered pictures of Sim-Eui in literature, portraits, and Sim-Eui. The results obtained are as follows; 1. Considering that United Sinla Period was related deeply to Tang Period, it is assumed that Sim-Eui was already transmitted in United Sinla Period. 2. Sim-Eui form was assorted roughly into two group, Straight line collar Sim-Eui (Gik-Ryeong Sim-Eui) and Sguare collar Sim-Eui (Bang-Ryeong Sim-Eui). The former was made to closs collars but not similar to carpenters sguare (Gop-Ja). The latter was made by Bek Gyum-Han at the begining, by the way it was not used widely. Then again Chun-Hu made the Sguare collar Sim-Eui in 19 c, it was used widely with Straight line collar Sim-Eui. 3. Sim-Eui in $\ulcorner$Ga-Rye-Bu-Chuei$\lrcorner$ was similar to those days Chullick, that verifies the Sim-Eui's influence on Chullick. 4. There was new simple Sim-Eui in $\ulcorner$Sa-Rye-Jip-Yo$\lrcorner$, it was similar to large sleeve's Durumagi, Heng-Eui. 5. Sim-Eui was sustituted by Gik-Ryeong Eui, Dap-Ho, Dan-Ryeong, Do-Po, Heng-Eui.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.18 no.1 s.28
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• pp.146-174
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• 2005

This study analyzes a medicine and iching-study(易學) and vital meaning through a me야cal science ruler called ZhangNan(章楠) of Qing-Dynasty(淸代), but has a purpose. First of all, the writer judges that the ZhangNan's medicine did not get out of a tradition of a Rui-Yi(儒醫, Confucian medicine) medicine greatly. He considered philosophy character of Rui-Yi formed after Jin-Yuan Dynsty(金元代) a purpose of own medicine. A way he kept the human life in order to realize a large meaning of Confucianism, and to stop a disease was necessary and spoke necessity of a medicine for this. Though a medicine is small, but becomes necessary thing in order to realize Confucianism whether a medicine and Confucianism are the only each other. The ZhangNan presented Zhi-zhong-he(致中和) with a way as soon as it is a purpose of a medicine, but ZhangNan is opening the point that Xing(性) was given 'Taiji(太極)'to. If Neo-Confucianism named 'Taiji(太極)-xing(性)-li(理)' is general, but ZhangNan is introducing the Taiji with Chi(氣). ZhangNan introduces the Taiji(太極) with one Chi(氣) and is rea야ng thing with another Zhu-zai(主宰) except Taiji, but cannot but recognize this with one in characteristics of a medicine ruler. A disregard is the inferior results, and this can do entrance of the Huang-di-nei-jing(業帝內經) which put a base with Han-Dynasty(漢代) iching-study(易學) and this too. It is made concrete 'Zangfu(藏府)-Taiji', and he is considering 'Dan-tian(丹田)-Taiji‘ in a discussion about the Great Absolute to be physical too more. Also, Taiji' is describing a point of contact that a spirit and the body meet with.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.51-69
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• 2007

Mu-Guan(武冠) is a headgear of northern nomadic people's costume, Ho-Bok(胡服). It became a part of Chinese(中原) Costume through the adoption of Ho-Bok(胡服) by King Muryong(武寧王) of Kingdom of Cho(趙). Chinese(中原人) did not use it as the formal costume of high class but the Costume military or low-level classes because Chinese(中原人) reguad it as a practical costume only for low-level classes. In this process, Mu-Guan(武冠) and it's clothes had got changed. It became high in shape by an influence Hsien-pi(鮮卑族)'s headgear and became generous in it's going with clothes for Chinese(中原) Costume. It needs to attend that Mu-Guan(武冠) could be found in Koguryo(高句麗)'s mural paintings. Mu-Guan(武冠) of Koguryo(高句麗) had kept the same pattern from middle of 4C to late of 5C. Actually Koguryo(高句麗)'s Mu-Guan(武冠) was similar with Han(漢) dynasty's, but It was quite different from Qin(晉) or Wei(北魏) dynasty's which belong to same period with Koguryo(高句麗)'s. It is possible to guess at Koguryo(高句麗) advanced Mu-Guan(武冠) as their own. Koguryo(高句麗) could be aware of 'Changed Mu-Guan(武冠)'. Because there are frequent diplomatic event between Koguryo(高句麗) and Chiese Dynasties, Barbarian Dynasties. Moreover the guess have persuasion by the existence of 'Changed Mu-Guan(武冠)'in Jee-an(集安) district's mural painting as a Costume of holy person. In brief, It could be noticed that Koguryo(高句麗)'s Mu-Guan(武冠) is distinguished from Chinese and Barbarian dynasties' and Koguryo(高句麗) advanced Mu-Guan(武冠) in their own style.

• Parasites, Hosts and Diseases
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.357-361
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• 2017

During civil engineering construction near Sejong-ro, Jongro-ku, Seoul, cultural sites were found that are thought to have been built in the 15th century. This area was home to many different people as well as the leaders of the Yi dynasty. To gain further insight into the life styles of the inhabitants of the old capital, soil samples were collected from various areas such as toilets, water foundations, and drainage ways. Parasite eggs were examined by microscopy after 5 g soil samples were rehydrated in 0.5% trisodium phosphate solution. A total of 662 parasite eggs from 7 species were found. Species with the highest number of eggs found were Ascaris lumbricoides (n=483), followed by Trichuris trichiura (138), Trichuris vulpis (21), Fasciola hepatica (8), Clonorchis sinensis (6), Paragonimus westermani (4), and Metagonimus yokogawai (2). These findings indirectly indicate the food habits of the people in Yi dynasty.

• Architectural research
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.13-19
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• 2017

In banquets of royal courts held in the late Joseon Dynasty, a procedure that follows the customs as well as physical components to follow that procedure were necessary. A noticeable trait of the red blinds(朱簾) is that they are seen in the naeyon(內宴) types of banquets, which is mostly centered on the queen dowager and relatives, and they function as a makeshift facility that divide the different banquet spaces according to the hierarchy of the royal family. Furthermore, the red blinds within the court played an important role in the procedure of the banquet along with the incense, as it was drawn upon the queen dowager's appearance to signal the beginning, and folded out again to signal the end. This indicates that they were of higher importance within the banquet space. The red blinds used in the playacting stage of the royal court not only segmented the space, but also upon being taken down, expanded and integrated the banquet hall, thereby maximizing the playacting stage. Once the banquet was finished, the red blinds within the court were once again folded out so as to restore dignity to the space. The red blind is a symbolic item that could open the private space of the court so as to enable communication with the public space, and also close it off to restore privacy. Also, the layout of the banquet space was divided by the red blinds into primary, secondary, and tertiary hierarchal space, according to the status of the royal family and the banquet attendants. In other words, the red blinds played an important role in its the symbolic meaning in the national precedent as well as distinguishing the hierarchy of space within the naeyon banquet in the royal court.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.536-553
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• 1998

Korea supposed the place of origin of soybean. Although it is speculated that it was edible in the era of the Three Kingdoms(A.D. 5-9C), there is no documentary evidence. The first record about the edibility of tofu was written down in the Goryeo dynasty, and there was several documents that tofu was exported to China and Japan in the Chosun dynasty due to excellent manufacture skills for tofu. Tofu has been a good source of protein as a food for the common people, though there were not many traditional kinds. Especially, tofu has been an important vegetarian foodstuff in a Buddist temple, and has been used for vegetable soup and skewered greens necessary for the sacrificial rites of the humbler class as well as of the royal court. We frequently made sliced raw tofu and fried tofu, and it was used for broil, stew, and casserole as well as stuffing. In addition, tofu and its bean-curd dregs were applied of making soy. In China it is assumed that tofu has been eatable since the time of the Han(AD. 1C). Chinese tofu and its products are various and generally 20 different varieties are used. There are many dishes applied of tofu. salted and plain tofu were used as Chinese appetizer dishes. Plain, salted, skinned or deep-fried tofu was stir-fried in an hot oiled pan with vegetables, meats and fishes. Additionally, there are a variety of tofu dishes utilized stewing, frying, steaming, and soup cookeries. Tofu first appeared in the era of the Nara(8C) of Japan and was come into wide use in the era of the Aedo(Tokyo). In Japan tofu and its products are various and introduced in Shojin cookeries prevalent in the Buddist temples. It is especially noticeable that frozen or skinned tofu was used for these. Japanese tofu cooking is more delicate than Korean and Chinese ones, and Japanese people do not use oil. Instead, they in general utilize steaming and broiling cookeries. In the western countries the history of tofu edibility is short. However, their practical application of tofu in the dietary life is very positive.

• The Journal of Korean Medicine
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• v.17 no.2 s.32
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• pp.117-132
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• 1996

The study of Jungpung(中風)'s section in Chungumyobang (千金要方, 諸風門) by Sonsamak(孫思邈) showed the following results. 1. The cause of Jungpung(中風) in Jungpung(中風)'s section in Chungumyobang (千金要方, 諸風門) was quotated from the theory of Naekyung(內經) -Pung(風) evil from the external environment invade on Hu(虛) of human body(外來風邪, 內虛邪中). 2. At Jungpung(中風)'s section in Chungumyobang (千金要方, 諸風門), he devided into the four classes of Jungpung(中風)'s symptom-Pyungo, Pungbi, Pungyi, Pungbi(偏枯, 風?, 風懿, 風痺)-, and this classification had a great influence on the next generations. 3. At Jungpung(中風)'s section in Chungumyobang (千金要方, 諸風門), he understanded that changes of Jungpung(中風)'s pathology depended on the Eum-Yang-Han-Yul-Hu-Shil(陰陽寒熱虛實) of the patients. 4. At Jungpung(中風)'s section in Chungumyobang (千金要方, 諸風門), he gathered and rearranged various prescription which accumulated the clinical experiences during the period from Naekyung(內經), Sanghan(傷寒) times, to Tang(唐)'s dynasty. There were major Jungpung(中風)'s prescription -Sosokmyungtang(小續命湯), Daesokmyungtang(大續命湯), Jukryuktang(竹瀝湯), Jihwangjun(地黃煎), Dokhwalgisaengtang(獨活寄生湯) etc. And the principle of treatment was the remedy method of removing evil through sweating(發汗祛邪法). 5. Chungumyobang(千金要方) showed the development of quality, quantity in their prescription comparing the fomer ages. And the method of classification of Jungpung(中風)'s symptom had a great influence on the next generation in clinical aspect. But the basic theory in Chungumyobang(千金要方) coudn't get out of the limits of Naekyung(內經), Gumgueyoryak(金?要略).

• Journal of Physiology & Pathology in Korean Medicine
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• v.24 no.6
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• pp.924-934
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• 2010

Yaksung-ga is a short Chinese poem, written for easy memorizing of properties and effects of various herbal drugs. It is very useful for teaching herbalogy and for using in clinical practice. In spite of its importance, research of the Yaksung-ga is very insufficient. Thus, we investigated literary works of Tingxian Gong and Korean medical books in the late Chosun dynasty, to explain how Yaksung-ga had been received and modified in Korean medicine. Manbinghuichun(萬病回春) and Shoushibaoyuan(壽世保元), the literatures of Tingxian Gong, are the origin of Yaksung-ga. Jejungshinpyun(濟衆新編) is the first book which recorded Yaksung-ga in Korea, having influenced Juchonshinbang(舟村新方) and Euijongsonik(醫宗損益). The classification system of Yaksung-ga was remarkably changed in Euijongsonik, according to the method of Bencaogangmu(本草綱目). And the Yaksung-ga of Bangyakhappyun(方藥合編), which is generally used in Korea at present, was shortened from the form of 8 Chinese characters in each line to 7 characters, so that it can be easily recited. In the end, the authors of Korean medical books selectively cited the Yaksung-ga of Tingxian Gong, and added many novel Yaksung-ga.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.197-206
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• 1988

Age, sex and the amount of activity determine recommended dietary allowances. So the method of developing RDA and their levels have been revised according as the physical condition of a nation improves and the amount of activity changes along with the variety of social situations. It can be seen from records that in Korea the absolute nutrient requirements for the people in Chosun Dynasty were first published in 1922. After that, in 1941 Gui Dong Han expressed his view that the standard health diets for the Japanese would be suitable for the people in Chosun Dynasty. In 1960, the temporary nutrition standards for the Koreans were established by the Ministry of the Health and Social Affairs. For these standards, males and females were respectively divided into three groups by age and nine nutrients were recommended for each group. In 1962, The Korean Association to FAO published the RDA for the Koreans. Since then, regular researches have been done. For these allowances, there were 16 age groups of men and women and ten nutrients recommended for each group. On the first revision in 1967, the fat allowance was presented at the ratio (12%) of fat calorie to total calories with no change in the number of age catagories and in the kinds of nutrients. And the basis of the riboflavin allowance was changed from the level of protein intake to that of energy intake. On the socond revision in 1975, there was brought 19 are catagories and ten nutrients recommended. On the third revision in 1980, age catagories increased to 22, and ten nutrients were recommended. On the fourth revision in 1985, there remained 21 groups by uniting the early and later periods of pregency. On the first revision in 1967, the recommended energy allowance was 3000 kcal, the highest level. Since then it has gradually been reduced. And it can be noticed that the protein allowance was high when food was difficult to obtain.