• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.1
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• pp.11-27
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• 2019

The Jurchens, the ancestors of the Qing Manchus, had lived scattered in Manchuria and had made their living mostly on ginseng gathering and animal hunting. Their residential areas, rich with deep forest and numerous rivers, provided great habitation for all kinds of flora and fauna, but not so proper for agriculture. Based on their activities of foraging and hunting, the Jurchens developed a unique social organization that was later transformed into the Banner System, the most distinctive Qing military institution. By the sixteenth century, that the external trade brought considerable changes to Jurchen society. A huge amount of foreign silver, imported from Japan and South America to China, first invigorated commercial economy in China proper, and later caused a huge influence on Ming frontier regions, including Manchuria. In the late sixteenth century when the tradition of foraging and hunting encountered with silver economy, the Jurchen tribes became unified after years of competition and transformed themselves into the Manchus to build the Qing empire in 1636. In 1644 the Manchus succeeded in conquering the China Proper and moved into Beijing. Even after that, the Manchu imperial court never forgot the value of Manchurii ginseng; instead, they paid great efforts to monopolize this profitable root. Until the late seventeenth century, the Qing court used the Banner System to manage Manchurian ginseng. The banner soldiers stationed in Manchuria checked unauthorized civilian entrances in this frontier and protected its ginseng producing mountains from the Han Chinese people. All the process of ginseng gathering was managed by the institutions under the direct control of the imperial court, such as the Imperial Household Department, the Butha Ula Office, and the Three Upper Banner in Shengjing. Banner soldiers were dispatched to the given mountains, collect the given amount of ginseng, and send them to the imperial court in Beijing. The state monopoly of ginseng was maintained throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries under the principle that Manchuria and its natural resources should be guarded from civilian encroachment. At the same time, Manchurian ginseng was considered as an important source of state revenue. The imperial court and financial bureau wanted to collect ginseng as much as they needed. By the late seventeenth century as the ginseng management by the banner soldiers failed in securing the ginseng tax, the Qing court began to invite civil merchants to ginseng business. During the eighteenth century the Qing ginseng policy became more dependent on civil merchants, both their money and management. In 1853 the Qing finally ended the ginseng monopoly, but it was before the early eighteenth century that wealthy merchants hired ginseng gatherers and paid ginseng tax to the state. The Qing monopoly of ginseng was in fact maintained by the active participation of civil merchants in the ginseng business.

• Journal of the Korean Society of International Agriculture
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.257-268
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• 2018

Recently, the international standardization of ISO in the field of Oriental Herbal Medicine has been progressing rapidly under the direction of China's promotion. China's intention to promote international standardization is to extend its influence to the world and beyond the domestic market. The Oriental medicine system in East Asia has similar roots in academic terms, but the medicines that can be supplied and received in each country are different and have developed independently. The international standardization of medicinal herbs is expected to function in a direction that weakens such differentiation and independence. From a commercial point of view, international standardization is no different from creating evaluation criteria for oriental medicinal products, and it is expected that its potential impact on domestic and overseas markets and producers will be large. In particular, the international standardization centered on China can lead to favorable evaluation criteria for China, which may further negatively affect the market competitiveness of domestic raw materials, which have been pushed back by Chinese manufacturers. If the domestic production base is weakened, not only will the farmers suffer but the supply and demand of raw materials will also be manipulated, safety management control will be reduced, and the development of oriental herbal products using domestic raw materials will be hurt. Therefore, in the promotion of international standardization, it is necessary not only to reflect the value of Korean herbal medicine but also to provide strategic responses to protect the domestic production base. However, in the case of recent initiatives, there is no precedent in analyzing influence on the production partners and the related industries. In addition, there are few related papers and reports on the subject, so the publicity process has not been done sufficiently. In response to this, this study will examine the countermeasures against the international standardization of herbal medicines through reviewing its present status and evaluating the agenda of the Korean initiative.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.1-18
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• 2011

This study has been examined characteristics of Yeoju Lee family, rich group at Miryang in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty, around Geumsidang(今是堂) Lee Gwang-jin remains as a cultural landscape appeared in pictures, poetry, and a strange story. Geumsidang Lee Gwang-jin returned to his old home abandoned the middle government post after the death of Moonjeong queen in socially confused stage and tried to manage an annex to a Geumsidang located in Baekgok of Eungchun riverside, and Geumsidang he managed was affected by his teacher and uncle Wolyoun Lee Tae of a view of nature, filial behavior, and nature management etc. Also, 'Painting of 12 landscapes to Geumsidang' is landscape painting with the actual view not like the '8 landscapes of So-Sang' or '8 landscapes of Sa-Si' which is abstract landscape and Lee Gyeong-hong drew 12 landscapes of Geumsidang that includes Angbong(鶯峰: nightingale peak), Yongdu mountain(龍頭山), Mubong Buddhist temple(舞鳳寺), Maam mountain(馬巖山), Wolyeon-dae(月淵臺), Saindang village(舍人堂村), Youngnam-ru(嶺南樓), Miryang eubseong(密陽邑城), Eyeonso(梨淵沼: pear tree deep water), Yullim(栗林: chestnut tree forest), Miryang river(密陽江), Sammundong fields(沙門野), land and government office owned by Yeoju Lee family as landscape objects. 'Poems of 12 landscapes to Geumsidang' by Lee Yong-gu 11th sons of Lee Gwang-jin was written based on 'Painting of 12 landscapes to Geumsidang', and sang for time, season, and changes of the weather. All 12 poems are all a quatrain with seven Chinese characters in each line consisted of all 28 words, but does not match completely with shown elements in pictures because it is not a simple description of pictures but it is recreated by writer's personality. Therefore these painting shows not only th meaning of filial behavior but also village owned by Yeoju Lee family rich group in Miryang, and these poem recreated the pictures by changing as certain scenic spot with the object of enforcing territory of Yeoju Lee family.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.133-172
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• 2017

Mansuseongjeol was originally a term that referred to the birthday of Chinese emperors. In October 1897, when Emperor Gojong ascended the throne, his birthday could be called mansuseongjeol. The celebratory events for mansuseongjeol took place throughout various levels of society and regions. Various places and classes including government officials, foreigners, students, religious people, journalists, merchants, civic groups, and nation-wide open ports celebrated the birth of Emperor Gojong, and the classes celebrating the day became stronger and wider. In other words, in the sense that the celebration had the nature of being universal, national, and global in terms of classes, regions, and races, the event was distinguished. Due to such nature, celebrating culture proceeded in various ways and the imperial family provided donation. Celebration on mansuseongjeol extended to respect toward the emperor and patriotism so it contributed to strengthening the emperor's power and solidifying the unity of the people. Also, such an event was reported around the world through diplomats and reporters living in Korea, raising the national status of Korea in the world. However, after the breakout of Russo-Japanese War, Japan controlled the finance of the royal family, reduced the power of the emperor, and the celebration of mansuseongjeol was also reduced. Due to the suspension of royal family's financial support, crackdown from Japan, and the dethronement of Emperor Gojong, events for mansuseongjeol disappeared and only inside the palace, did formal celebrations continue centering on pro-Japan officials and Japanese people. The abdication of Emperor Gojong came with the collapse of Korean Empire and along with that, celebration of mansuseongjeol came to an end. In the circumstances, the culture of court banquet disintegrated, and the best performers of Korean Empire degenerated into mere entertainers. Though mansuseongjeol, the medium of expressing respect toward the emperor and patriotism, lost its status, it is significant that the cultural achievements, which were created during the process established with the support of the financial power of the royal family, serve as internal power that drove Korea's modern and contemporary cultural history.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.91-116
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• 2012

Writing is a process and work of expressing one's own feelings and thoughts that are not contained in rigid forms; however, the literary trend and environment during the Late Joseon was not so tolerant. A revivalist approach to writing was dominant during this period, which was summarized in the expression that "Prose must be written in the style of Qin and Han; and Poetry in that of High Tang. "Hence, it was practically a taboo to express one's raw emotions and disregard the custom and regulations of writing. Nevertheless, literati, who got tired of the dogmatic rule of Neo-Confucianism at the time that refused to see the changing world and the pseudo-archaic writing that merely imitated the outside and was empty inside, attempted new styles of writing to escape from the model or example and what was familiar. Lee Yong-hyu, who was in the middle of such transformations, learned the trends of Late Ming and Early Qing through the newly imported Chinese books and created his own style that reflected his personality. His writings refused the Neo-Confucian system of thoughts, which was a dominant ideology of the time, paid attention to the human nature and emphasized the restoration of the self. His writing could be described as being anti-pseudo-archaic and criticized the pretentious trend of the time. He argued that in order to restore the true self, one must recover the innocent mind that was bestowed on human by heaven/nature (cheon-li, 天理), and for this purpose, one must straighten out one's mind (sim, 心). His argument is similar to that of "Yangming School of Mind," which could be represented by the phrase, "Mind is the Principle (心卽理)." Yangming School claimed that moral principle existed within one's mind; and this was in stark contrast with the Neo-Confucian idea that "principle (li)"was external and transcendent, and was spoken by the great Confucian masters and written down in Confucian Classics. By denying the externality of the principle and underscoring its immanence, the idea that centralized Confucian Classics and canons was dismantled. Lee Yong-hyu's writing styles that denied the model and emphasized the restoration of the self was influenced by such thoughts. However, one must neither hastily judge that he is an advocate of Yangming School of Mind, nor determine the anti-pseudo-archaic writers' ideological basis as the philosophy of Yangming School. Once it is rigidly defined, be it Zhu Xi's philosophy or Wang Yangming's philosophy, it becomes another model that one must abide by, and again the self disappears. Thus, Lee Yong-hyu defied any kind of model that claimed authenticity or precedence and wished that people would live independently as oneself, and left such claims and wishes in writing. That is the reason, after more than two hundred years later, we still read his writings.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.42
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• pp.45-73
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• 2022

The phenomenon of veneration for Queen Mother of the West [西王母 Chn: Xiwangmu Kr: Seowangmo] is a 'cultural flow' that has garnered great interest not only in China but also in Korea for many years. To properly understand the cultural trend regarding the Queen Mother of the West, it is essential to view the related mythology as it corresponds to East Asian women as well as the transformation of society's view of women. In addition to the outcomes that result from the establishment of a patriarchal society, the relationship between goddesses and gods gradually becomes a relationship of discrimination based upon differences. Accordingly, as women change into objects that are given meaning rather than subjects that give meaning, the de-sacredization of the goddess occurs. This paper focused on the changes in the perception of the Queen Mother of the West from the view of Yin-Yang theory. This approach shows a transition process of transforming wherein she has morphed into an assistant or spouse of a god as part of a trend that deemphasizes the divinity of her as a stand-alone goddess. Yin-Yang theory is the key to understanding culture, history, and art as well as Chinese philosophy. This key can be further applied to the theme of women in mythology. What is particularly noteworthy about the process by which the Queen Mother of the West was defined as a goddess is that she was original described as half-human and half-beast and yet by the time her depictions became fully human and fully woman, she was described instead as an absolute beauty endowed with great artistic talent. In this paper, it will be revealed that the perception of the Queen Mother of the West, as an absolute beauty and artistic talent, is embedded with the male societal desire for an image of the feminine as understood via Yin-Yang theory. Queen Mother of the West as she was depicted in the Classic of Mountains and Seas (山海經 Chn: Shanhaijing Kr: Sanhaegyeong) had a half-human half-beast form that instilled people with fear of disasters and punishments from heaven. However, in the Han Dynasty, her religious significance became that of an object to ward off evil and attain blessings. By the time of the novel, Tales of the Strange (志怪小說 Chn: Zhiguaixiaoshuo Kr: Jigoesoseol), from the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, she was transformed into a goddess in the image of beautiful woman in charge longevity and immortality. From the perspective of Yin-Yang theory, the changes in the perception of Queen Mother of the West was found to contain the following meaning: as an extension of the establishment of a patriarchal system and subordinate laws, her new form was made to be pleasing to the male gaze and Yin-Yang theory was brought in to support those changes later.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.469-497
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• 2015

In 2009 Iridium 33, a satellite owned by the American Iridium Communications Inc. and Kosmos-2251, a satellite owned by the Russian Space Forces, collided at a speed of 42,120 km/h and an altitude of 789 kilometers above the Taymyr Peninsula in Siberia. NASA estimated that the satellite collision had created approximately 1,000 pieces of debris larger than 10 centimeters, in addition to many smaller ones. By July 2011, the U.S. Space Surveillance Network(SSN) had catalogued over 2,000 large debris fragments. On January 11, 2007 China conducted a test on its anti-satellite missile. A Chinese weather satellite, the FY-1C polar orbit satellite, was destroyed by the missile that was launched using a multistage solid-fuel. The test was unprecedented for having created a record amount of debris. At least 2,317 pieces of trackable size (i.e. of golf ball size or larger) and an estimated 150,000 particles were generated as a result. As far as the Space Treaties such as 1967 Outer Space Treaty, 1968 Rescue Agreement, 1972 Liability Convention, 1975 Registration Convention and 1979 Moon Agreement are concerned, few provisions addressing the space environment and debris in space can be found. In the early years of space exploration dating back to the late 1950s, the focus of international law was on the establishment of a basic set of rules on the activities undertaken by various states in outer space.. Consequently environmental issues, including those of space debris, did not receive the priority they deserve when international space law was originally drafted. As shown in the case of the 1978 "Cosmos 954 Incident" between Canada and USSR, the two parties settled it by the memorandum between two nations not by the Space Treaties to which they are parties. In 1994 the 66th conference of International Law Association(ILA) adopted "International Instrument on the Protection of the Environment from Damage Caused by Space Debris". The Inter-Agency Space Debris Coordination Committee(IADC) issued some guidelines for the space debris which were the basis of "the UN Space Debris Mitigation Guidelines" which had been approved by the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space(COPUOS) in its 527th meeting. On December 21 2007 this guideline was approved by UNGA Resolution 62/217. The EU has proposed an "International Code of Conduct for Outer Space Activities" as a transparency and confidence-building measure. It was only in 2010 that the Scientific and Technical Subcommittee began considering as an agenda item the long-term sustainability of outer space. A Working Group on the Long-term Sustainability of Outer Space Activities was established, the objectives of which include identifying areas of concern for the long-term sustainability of outer space activities, proposing measures that could enhance sustainability, and producing voluntary guidelines to reduce risks to long-term sustainability. By this effort "Guidelines on the Long-term Sustainability of Outer Space Activities" are being under consideration. In the case of "Declaration of Legal Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exp1oration and Use of Outer Space" adopted by UNGA Resolution 1962(XVIII), December 13 1963, the 9 principles proclaimed in that Declaration, although all of them incorporated in the Space Treaties, could be regarded as customary international law binding all states considering the time and opinio juris by the responses of the world. Although the soft law such as resolutions, guidelines are not binding law, there are some provisions which have a fundamentally norm-creating character and customary international law. In November 12 1974 UN General Assembly recalled through a Resolution 3232(XXIX) "Review of the role of International Court of Justice" that the development of international law may be reflected, inter alia, by the declarations and resolutions of the General Assembly which may to that extend be taken into consideration by the judgements of the International Court of Justice. We are expecting COPUOS which gave birth 5 Space Treaties that it could give us binding space debris mitigation measures to be implemented based on space debris mitigation soft law in the near future.

• Journal of Global Scholars of Marketing Science
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.269-277
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• 2010

Previous studies have shown that the most important factor affecting customer loyalty in the service industry is service quality. However, on the subject of whether service quality has a direct or indirect effect on customer loyalty, scholars' views apparently vary. Some studies suggest that service quality has a direct and fundamental influence on customer loyalty (Bai and Liu, 2002). However, others have shown that service quality not only directly affects customer loyalty, it also has an indirect impact on customer loyalty by influencing customer satisfaction and perceived value (Cronin, Brady, and Hult, 2000). Currently, there are few domestic articles that specifically address the relationship between service quality and customer loyalty in the mobile communication industry. Moreover, research has studied customer loyalty as a whole variable, rather than breaking it down further into multiple dimensions. Based on this analysis, this paper summarizes previous study results, establishes an effect mechanism model among service quality, customer satisfaction, and customer loyalty in the mobile communication industry, and presents a statistical test on model assumptions by using customer investigation data from Heilongjiang Mobile Company. It provides theoretical guidance for mobile service management based on the discussion of the hypothesis test results. For data collection, the sample comprised mobile users in Harbin city, and the survey was taken by random sampling. Out of a total of 300 questionnaires, 276 (92.9%) were recovered. After excluding invalid questionnaires, 249 remained, for an effective rate of 82.6 percent for the study. Cronbach's ${\alpha}$ coefficient was adapted to assess the scale reliability, and validity testing was conducted on the questionnaire from three aspects: content validity, construct validity. and convergent validity. The study tested for goodness of fit mainly from the absolute and relative fit indexes. From the hypothesis testing results, overall, four assumptions have not been supported. The ultimate affective relationship of service quality, customer satisfaction, and customer loyalty is demonstrated in Figure 2. On the whole, the service quality of the communication industry not only has a direct positive significant effect on customer loyalty, it also has an indirect positive significant effect on customer loyalty through service quality; the affective mechanism and extent of customer loyalty are different, and are influenced by each dimension of service quality. This study used the questionnaires of existing literature from home and abroad and tested them in empirical research, with all questions adapted to seven-point Likert scales. With the SERVQUAL scale of Parasuraman, Zeithaml, and Berry (1988), or PZB, as a reference point, service quality was divided into five dimensions-tangibility, reliability, responsiveness, assurance, and empathy-and the questions were simplified down to nineteen. The measurement of customer satisfaction was based mainly on Fornell (1992) and Wang and Han (2003), ending up with four questions. Based on the study’s three indicators of price tolerance, first choice, and complaint reaction were used to measure attitudinal loyalty, while repurchase intention, recommendation, and reputation measured behavioral loyalty. The collection and collation of literature data produced a model of the relationship among service quality, customer satisfaction, and customer loyalty in mobile communications, and China Mobile in the city of Harbin in Heilongjiang province was used for conducting an empirical test of the model and obtaining some useful conclusions. First, service quality in mobile communication is formed by the five factors mentioned earlier: tangibility, reliability, responsiveness, assurance, and empathy. On the basis of PZB SERVQUAL, the study designed a measurement scale of service quality for the mobile communications industry, and obtained these five factors through exploratory factor analysis. The factors fit basically with the five elements, indicating the concept of five elements of service quality for the mobile communications industry. Second, service quality in mobile communications has both direct and indirect positive effects on attitudinal loyalty, with the indirect effect being produced through the intermediary variable, customer satisfaction. There are also both direct and indirect positive effects on behavioral loyalty, with the indirect effect produced through two intermediary variables: customer satisfaction and attitudinal loyalty. This shows that better service quality and higher customer satisfaction will activate the attitudinal to service providers more active and show loyalty to service providers much easier. In addition, the effect mechanism of all dimensions of service quality on all dimensions of customer loyalty is different. Third, customer satisfaction plays a significant intermediary role among service quality and attitudinal and behavioral loyalty, indicating that improving service quality can boost customer satisfaction and make it easier for satisfied customers to become loyal customers. Moreover, attitudinal loyalty plays a significant intermediary role between service quality and behavioral loyalty, indicating that only attitudinally and behaviorally loyal customers are truly loyal customers. The research conclusions have some indications for Chinese telecom operators and others to upgrade their service quality. Two limitations to the study are also mentioned. First, all data were collected in the Heilongjiang area, so there might be a common method bias that skews the results. Second, the discussion addresses the relationship between service quality and customer loyalty, setting customer satisfaction as mediator, but does not consider other factors, like customer value and consumer features, This research will be continued in the future.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.179-196
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• 2019

Recently, the "Smart Consumer" has been emerging. He or she is increasingly inclined to search for and purchase products by taking into account personal judgment or expert reviews rather than by relying on information delivered through manufacturers' advertising. This is especially true when purchasing cosmetics. Because cosmetics act directly on the skin, consumers respond seriously to dangerous chemical elements they contain or to skin problems they may cause. Above all, cosmetics should fit well with the purchaser's skin type. In addition, changes in global cosmetics consumer trends make it necessary to study this field. The desire to find one's own individualized cosmetics is being revealed to consumers around the world and is known as "Finding the Holy Grail." Many consumers show a deep interest in customized cosmetics with the cultural boom known as "K-Beauty" (an aspect of "Han-Ryu"), the growth of personal grooming, and the emergence of "self-culture" that includes "self-beauty" and "self-interior." These trends have led to the explosive popularity of cosmetics made in Korea in the Chinese and Southeast Asian markets. In order to meet the customized cosmetics needs of consumers, cosmetics manufacturers and related companies are responding by concentrating on delivering premium services through the convergence of ICT(Information, Communication and Technology). Despite the evolution of companies' responses regarding market trends toward customized cosmetics, there is no "Intelligent Data Platform" that deals holistically with consumers' skin condition experience and thus attaches emotions to products and services. To find the Holy Grail of customized cosmetics, it is important to acquire and analyze consumer data on what they want in order to address their experiences and emotions. The emotions consumers are addressing when purchasing cosmetics varies by their age, sex, skin type, and specific skin issues and influences what price is considered reasonable. Therefore, it is necessary to classify emotions regarding cosmetics by individual consumer. Because of its importance, consumer emotion analysis has been used for both services and products. Given the trends identified above, we judge that consumer emotion analysis can be used in our study. Therefore, we collected and indexed data on consumers' emotions regarding their cosmetics experiences focusing on consumers' language. We crawled the cosmetics emotion data from SNS (blog and Twitter) according to sales ranking ($1^{st}$ to $99^{th}$), focusing on the ample/serum category. A total of 357 emotional adjectives were collected, and we combined and abstracted similar or duplicate emotional adjectives. We conducted a "Consumer Sentiment Journey" workshop to build a "Consumer Sentiment Dictionary," and this resulted in a total of 76 emotional adjectives regarding cosmetics consumer experience. Using these 76 emotional adjectives, we performed clustering with the Self-Organizing Map (SOM) method. As a result of the analysis, we derived eight final clusters of cosmetics consumer sentiments. Using the vector values of each node for each cluster, the characteristics of each cluster were derived based on the top ten most frequently appearing consumer sentiments. Different characteristics were found in consumer sentiments in each cluster. We also developed a cosmetics experience pattern map. The study results confirmed that recommendation and classification systems that consider consumer emotions and sentiments are needed because each consumer differs in what he or she pursues and prefers. Furthermore, this study reaffirms that the application of emotion and sentiment analysis can be extended to various fields other than cosmetics, and it implies that consumer insights can be derived using these methods. They can be used not only to build a specialized sentiment dictionary using scientific processes and "Design Thinking Methodology," but we also expect that these methods can help us to understand consumers' psychological reactions and cognitive behaviors. If this study is further developed, we believe that it will be able to provide solutions based on consumer experience, and therefore that it can be developed as an aspect of marketing intelligence.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.20-35
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• 2022

This study was conducted on the locational results of the 'Yusanggoksu(流觴曲水)' petroglyphs located in Hwanggak-dong(黃閣洞), Shinsong-ri, Geumma-myeon, Iksan-si through literature study, analysis of old maps and aerial photos, field observations, drone photography, elevation surveys, and interviews with residents. It was attempted for the purpose of illuminating and preserving the relics of the domestic Yusanggoksu garden by clarifying the spatiality of this place by tracing the spatiality and examining the possibility of enjoying the Yusanggoksu water system in this place. The conclusion of this study is as follows. The area around Hwanggak-dong, where the Yusanggoksu remains, has been selected as the most beautiful scenic spot in Iksan in various documents. The origin of 'Hwanggak' is considered to be closely related to the nickname of Uijeongbu(議政府). In other words, he paid attention to the relationship with Yanggok, So Se-yang(蘇世讓), who served as Chan-seong Jwa(左贊成). In particular, he paid attention to the relationship with his birthplace, Taeheojeong, a separate book, and Toehyudang, a retreat hall), tombs, and posthumous Confucian academies were distributed in the vicinity. Haseo-dae(荷鋤臺), a wide rock on which a hoe is hung on a rock after field work, seems to express a leisurely rural life and a simple and hermit life, based on the examples of Chinese and Korean poetry. The dark blood on the upper part of the Seobwi Rock with the inscription 'Yusanggoksu', which is the core of this site, is identified as a chailgong(遮日孔) to support the water system, and Ilgan-pavilion and Mojeong(茅亭) nearby are to support the yusanggoksu. It seems to have performed a spatial function for The inscription 'Hwanggak-dong' engraved on the front of Deungzanbawi is the gateway to Hwanggakdongcheon(黃閣洞天) and identified the idealized world existing in the village. Judging from the documentary records of the Iksan-gun 『Chongswaelog(叢瑣錄)』, the rock letters 'Hwanggak-dong' and 'Haseodae' were engraved on March 29, 1901, the 5th year of Gwangmu, the 5th year of the Korean Empire, by Iksan-gun Governor Oh Haeng-mook(吳宖默) and his acquaintance Seokseong Kim In-gil(金寅吉) Confirmed. Also, considering the tense of Lee Bong-gu's 「Hwanggakdongun(黃閣洞韻)」 and So Jin-deok, a descendant of Yanggok, 「Hwanggakdongsihoe(黃閣洞詩會)」, it is presumed that it was related to Goksuyeon(曲水宴) in Hwanggak-dong. It can be inferred that the current affairs meetings were held at least until the early days of Japanese colonial rule. Meanwhile, the maximum width of the current curved waterway was calculated as 11.3m and the transverse slope was 15.0%. If so, it is estimated that the width and extension distance of the curved waterway would have been much longer. Judging from the use of mochun(暮春), drinking and poetry, the tense 'Hwanggakdongsihoe' related to the Yusanggoksu relics in Hwanggak-dong, and the existence of a pavilion presumed to be Yusangjeong(流觴亭) called Ilgan-pavilion in the nearby Yusanggoksu site It is confirmed that it was a space where Yusanggoksuyeon(流觴曲水宴) spread at least until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. Unfortunately, it remains a limitation of the study that it cannot be confirmed due to lack of data on the rock characters of 'Yusanggoksu' and those who enjoyed it before the end of the Joseon Dynasty. This is an area that needs to be elucidated through continuous efforts to find data on this issue in the future.