• 제목/요약/키워드: Government army

검색결과 87건 처리시간 0.03초

한국정부 수립 이후 행정체제의 변동과 국가기록관리체제의 개편(1948년~64년) (The Reform of the National Records Management System and Change of Administrative System in Korean Government from 1948 to 1964)

  • 이상훈
    • 기록학연구
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    • 제21호
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    • pp.169-246
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    • 2009
  • 본 논문은 한국행정체제의 변동과 국가기록관리체제의 개편에 관한 연구로 정부수립부터 1960년대 초반 새롭게 국가기록 관리체제가 구축될 때까지를 그 범위로 다루었다. 여기서 1960년대 초반이란 당시 국가기록관리체제를 규정한 "정부공문서규정(1961.9.13)", "정부공문서분류표(1963.1.1)", "공문서보관 보존규정(1963.12.16)", "공문서보존기간종별책정기준에관한건(1964.4.22)" 등이 제정되기까지를 일컫는다. 또한 본 연구의 범위는 한국행정체제의 변동을 중심으로 하여 정부수립 초, 한국전쟁 이후, 군사정부가 등장하는 1960년대 초반 등의 시기로 나누었고, 각 시기별로 행정체제와의 상호관련 속에서 기록관리체제를 고찰하였다. 이를 통해서 1960년대 초반에 구축된 국가기록관리체제의 근원과 그 의미를 파악하고자 하였다. 정부수립 당시 한국정부의 행정체제는 조선총독부 행정체제의 틀로부터 벗어나지 못하였다. 그 이유는 무엇보다도 한국정부가 행정체제를 쇄신할 역량을 갖고 있지 못했기 때문이었다. 이러한 점은 당시 기록관리체제도 마찬가지였다. 즉 공문서의 서식 및 작성방법, 공문서관리프로세스, 분류 평가체계는 조선총독부의 기록관리체제를 그대로 원용하였다. 1960년대 초반 한국행정체제의 변동과 기록관리체제의 개편을 초래했던 주요 요인들은 1950년대 중반을 기점으로 한국사회에서 형성되고 있었다. 이는 한국육군, 공무원, 행정학도들이 각각 미국의 행정기법과 지식을 경험하면서 한국사회의 내재적 엘리트로 성장한 결과였다. 특히 한국전쟁 이후 한국육군에서 나타난 미 육군 사무관리제도와 십진파일링시스템의 도입은 한국기록관리제도사의 역사적 전개과정에 비추어 보았을 때 의미있는 변화였다. 이는 1960년대 초반 한국정부의 기록관리체제 개편에 지대한 영향을 미쳤다. 1950년대 중반을 기점으로 성장한 한국육군, 공무원, 행정학도들이 1960년대 초반 행정주체 및 행정개혁의 추진주체로 등장하면서 한국정부의 행정체제는 전면 재편되었고, 그 과정에서 추진된 문서행정의 현대화작업은 기록관리체제의 개편으로까지 이어졌다. 이때 개편방향은 과학적 관리법을 기반으로 한 기록물의 '효율적 능률적 통제'였으며, 이는 미국 사무관리제도와 십진파일링시스템을 한국 실정에 맞추는 작업을 통해 진행되었다. 그리하여 각종 공문서 서식과 규격 및 처리요령을 개선하고 표준화하였으며, 또한 업무기능에 기반을 둔 평가 분류체계를 전 정부차원에서 일원화하였다.

여성 패션에 표현된 밀리터리룩에 관한 고찰 (A Study on the Military took Expressed in Women's Fashion Design)

  • 간문자
    • 한국의류학회지
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    • 제21권1호
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    • pp.119-128
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    • 1997
  • The purpose of this study is to examine the military look, which is one of the most popular fashion trends in the 1996 women's fashion. Military look is that imitates or reinterprets the Army uniform which is functionally useful. After World War 1 , military look appeared in the women's fashion which is functionable tailor suits style, ankle-length skirt, pants or boiler suits for work wear, overcoat against the cold, and there was an attempt to introduce a National Standard Dress. In the middle of World War II, there was a similiar circumstance in women's military fashion. There were functionable tailor suits, knee-length skirt, pants or siren suits for work wear. And the Utility Dress was nationally recommended. In addition, the regulations were introduced to control the materials and styles used for some clothes. In the 70s, as the resistance movement as counterculture began to wear Army look which was army-uniform or army caps with 'US ARMY' logo and badges, and became very popular among the youth. In the 90s, military look has got one of the fashionable fashion themes with revival of Neo- Hippie look. Not only street fashion but also high fashion designer selected the trend for '96A/W The characteristics of the military look are khaki colors or camouflage prints, epaulets, big outpockets with flap, golden buttons and army belt. As I examined, during the World War I and ll, women wore the military look because of shortage of goods and work or service, and it was recommended by government. Though the military look in 70s, began by the resistance movement, at least it became a popular fashion. Military look in 90s, does not have inner symbolic meaning or ideology but it only represents fashion trend and revival fashion.

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신홍균(신홍균(申洪均): 개명(改名) 신흘(申屹), 신굴(申矻)) 한의사의 생애와 독립운동 (Korean Medical Doctor Shin Hong-Gyun's Life and His Independence Movement)

  • 정상규;신민식
    • 한국의사학회지
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    • 제34권1호
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    • pp.31-46
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    • 2021
  • Shin Hong-Gyun and his family have been in medicine for many generations as Korean Medical Doctors (KMDs). In 1919 when Shin Hong-Gyun was participating in an independence movement in Jang-Baek-Hyun, his younger brother Shin Dong-Gyun was killed by Japanese military police forces. This tragic incident triggered Shin Hong-Gyun to establish an army for national independence called , holding 200 young men, to serve in armed struggle against the Japanese Government with Kim Jung-Geon in May, 1920. In March 1933, Shin Hong-Gyun, as a military surgeon, led his men to the Korean Independence Army to fight a battle. Once he became a member of the Korean Independence Army, he, in fact, participated in few battles: Sadohaja, Dong-Kyung-Sung, Deajeonjayeong. Daejeonjayeong was a waypoint that the Japanese military needed to pass through in order to reach the Wangcheong area. Shin Hong-Gyun's independence forces had to endure painful starvation and heavy rain while hiding in ambush for long periods of time until the Japanese military would appear. Due to its summer rainy season, rainwater overflowed into their trenches and was filled up to the waist. Even worse, food stockpiles were low and the Japanese army did not appear for longer time. Shin Hong-Gyun's entire team suffered severe hunger and extreme cold. At this critical moment, Shin Hong-Gyun used his expertise as a KMD to find edible black mushrooms that grow wild in the mountains and use them to feed his men. This event led to the victory of the independence army at the battle of Daejeonjayeong. The purpose of the paper is to inform and highlight the forgotten history of Shin Hong-Gyun who was, both, a Korean Medical Doctor and a military surgeon.

한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로- (The lesson From Korean War)

  • 윤일영
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권8호
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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반군 홍경래에 대항한 관군 가산군수 정시의 군인정신에 대한 연구 (A Study on the Military Spirit of the Governmental Army's Gasan County Chief Against Rebel Hong Gyeong-rae)

  • 정재극
    • 융합보안논문지
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    • 제20권4호
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    • pp.153-159
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    • 2020
  • 조선후기 민심을 업고 반군이 등장하게 된다. 홍경래는 지역, 신분적 차별 등을 내세워 불만세력들을 규합하여 관군과 전투를 벌이게 된다. 초전에 가산군수 정시에게 항복을 권하고 함께 반란에 참여하기를 강요하였으나 정시는 죽음으로 거부하였다. 주변 관리들은 항거하지 않고 반군에 항복하는 행태를 보였다. 홍경래의 난이 평정되었을 때 가장 피해를 본 부류는 홍경래의 선전선동에 속아 가담한 백성 2천여 명의 죽음이었다. 반란 초기에 관군의 책임자들이 적극적으로 방어하였다면 무고한 백성들의 죽음은 없었을 것이다. 반군에게 항복을 거부하고 죽음으로 대항한 가산군수 정시에 대해 역사적 재조명이 필요하다.

육군 창업지원 프로그램이 군 복무만족도에 미치는 영향 분석 (Analysis of the Effect of Army Startup Support Program on Military Service Satisfaction)

  • 구영휘;김동현;윤관기
    • 벤처창업연구
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    • 제17권2호
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    • pp.115-128
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    • 2022
  • 본 연구는 전역(예정)장병을 대상으로 하는 육군 창업지원 프로그램이 군 복무만족도에 미치는 영향 분석에 관하여 연구하고자 한다. 또한 육군이 지원하고 추진하는 프로그램인 창업경진대회, 창업동아리 멘토링, 찾아가는 창업캠프, 창업사관학교 등 장병들이 프로그램 참여로 기대되는 군 복무만족도 대해 연구하고자 하였다. 본 프로그램의 취지는 전역(예정)장병들이 육군 창업지원 프로그램 참여를 통해 개인의 군 복무기간을 경력단절이 아닌 '꿈과 희망을 열어주는 기회의 시간'으로 활용 할 수 있도록 하였으며, 군 복무만족도 향상이 될 수 있도록 추진되었다. 이를 통해 전역(예정)장병 대상 정부기관 및 지자체의 창업지원 프로그램 확산과 청년들의 개인역량 강화를 확대하기 위한 방안을 제시하고자 한다. 연구를 위해 독립변수로는 육군 창업지원 프로그램인 창업경진대회, 창업동아리 멘토링(찾아가는 창업캠프), 창업사관학교로 하였고, 통제변수로는 참여자의 신분, 전역 후 진로 등 인구통계학적 요소를 설정하였다. 실증분석 결과 창업지원 프로그램이 군 복무만족도에 직접적인 영향을 미치는 것으로 위계적 회귀분석의 통계적 결과가 유의미하게 나타났다. 하지만 통제변수인 참여자의 신분, 전역 후 진로에 따라 창업지원 프로그램의 군 복무만족은 차이가 발생하는 것으로 나타났다. 본 연구의 시사점은 육군이 국가·사회와의 인재육성 연결자로서 장병들에게 군 복무기간 동안 개인역량을 강화할 수 있는 기회로 실질적으로 도움이 되는 프로그램임을 입증한다고 볼 수 있다. 또한 정부 및 지자체의 전역(예정)장병 대상 창업지원 사업의 확대 필요성에 대해 실증적 결과를 제시함으로써 청년 고용률 및 지원사업 개선에 도움을 주고자 한다.

대학생이 지각하는 군 신뢰가 안보의식에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Effect of Trust in the Army Perceived by University Students on Perception of National Security)

  • 전경국
    • 융합보안논문지
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    • 제20권4호
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    • pp.13-25
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    • 2020
  • 국가안보는 국민의 생명을 지키고 국토를 보호한다는 의미에서 국가의 가장 중요한 책무 증 하나이다. 특히 최근 한반도를 둘러싼 강대국의 정세는 국가안보를 심각하게 위협할 정도로 급변하고 있다. 이 상황을 극복하기 위해서는 국민들의 군에 대한 신뢰를 바탕으로 한 국가안보의식이 매우 중요한 시점이다. 이에 울산 지역에 소재한 대학생들을 대상으로 군에 대한 신뢰가 국가안보의식에 미치는 영향을 조사하였다. 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 군 신뢰 중 사회기여와 군사능력이 높게 평가된 반면 성실성과 조직문화특성은 상대적으로 낮게 평가 되었다. 둘째, 군 신뢰와 국가안보의식간에는 모두 유의적인 정적 상관관계가 있었으나 사회기여와 안보의식간의 상관관계는 상대적으로 낮았다. 셋째, 군 신뢰 중 성실성, 조직문화특성, 군사능력의 순으로 국가안보의식에 유의적인 정적 영향력이 있었으나 사회기여는 유의적인 영향력이 없었다.

The Japanese Government-General of Korea: A Hermeneutic Understanding of the Effects of Historic Preservation from a Western Perspective

  • Seo, Myengsoo
    • Architectural research
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    • 제18권3호
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    • pp.103-111
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    • 2016
  • This paper investigates the characteristics of preservation of Korean modern architecture through Western historic preservation theories and philosophies. This research focuses on the Japanese Government-General of Korea (1926-1995) which was built in 1926 and used as the chief administrative building in Seoul (Keijo in Japanese) during the Japanese colonial period (1910-1945). After Korea was liberated from Japanese rule in 1945, this building was used until 1995 for the South Korean National Assembly, the United States Army Military Government in Korea, and the National Museum of South Korea. Although it served a variety of roles, this building was the most controversial case of historic preservation in Korean modern architecture. To analyze the peculiarities and characteristics of Korean modern architecture and its preservation, this research applied Western historic preservation theories, not exclusively from classical historic preservation theories developed by Viollet-le-Duc and John Ruskin, but also from modern historic preservation theories by Theodore H. M. Prudon, Daniel Blunstone, and Frances A. Yates. This cross-cultural and comparative study of historic preservation helps identify Korean modern architecture's characteristics. It can also be a useful reference in finding the origins of Korean modern architectural identity.

조선후기 관영건축공사에 있어서 철물과 철제 연장의 공급체계에 관한 연구 -영건의궤(營建儀軌) 기록을 중심으로- (A Study on the Supply System of Iron Materials and the Tools in Government Constructions in the Late of Joseon Dynasty)

  • 이권영;김왕직
    • 건축역사연구
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    • 제16권3호
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    • pp.95-114
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    • 2007
  • Since the 17th century, the society of Joseon dynasty belongs to a period of rapid transition in many fields. As the building is a result to be produced on the basis of a society and economy, the general transition in a society is to be reflected into a process of building construction. Especially, a study on the material supply system of economic base in a process of building construction is one of vely important factors in an understanding or estimate of a building. On the premise, this paper is to examine the supply system of iron materials and the tools in the construction of the government managed buildings in the late of Joseon dynasty on a viewpoint of productivity. Construction reports and other documents in those days are examined for the study. Following conclusions have been reached through the study. 1) The general supply method of iron materials for a large-scale government construction was based on 'byulgong', that is, a kind of tribute. 2) Various methods were selected in the supply method of iron materials for government use in the late of Joseon dynasty. The priority order of choice in its government policy was put on an easiness of amount security, on a minimum of expenditure, and on an efficiency of construction execution. 3) The manufacturing technique of weaponry was used in the production method of iron materials and the tools for government use. The cooperation of the official, the army, and the merchant had improved the manufacturing technique of building construction.

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Japanese Broadcasting in Shanghai during the Periods of Solitary Island and Occupation: A Case Study on the Great Eastern Broadcasting Station (Daito Hoso Kyoku)

  • Ge, Tao
    • Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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    • 제2권1호
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    • pp.113-128
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    • 2020
  • Right before the outbreak of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression (1937-1954), the Great Eastern Broadcasting Station (GEBS) was established in Shanghai under the aegis of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan (MOFA). Prior to the launching of the GEBS, Japan had not owned similar radio stations in China for years. As a result, the Embassy of Japan in China held rounds of discussions on the plan and Japanese governments, ranging from the MOFA, the Navy, the Army, the Ministry of Communications (MOC), and NHK-Japan Broadcasting Corporation (Nihon Hoso Kyoku) provided financial, technological, and equipment support. In the mid-1930s when the Sino-Japanese relations became intensified, the GEBS assumed the primary role of disseminating government policies to over 30,000 Japanese expatriates in Shanghai to make sure that they could remain settled while supporting military endeavors of the Japanese army once the war between China and Japanese broke out. After 1937, the GEBS became an essential propaganda tool to advance imperial policies of Japan. Although the station differed from the Army-controlled Greater Shanghai Broadcasting Station (Dai Shanhai Hoso Kyoku) in many aspects, it was in line with the latter in terms of advancing wartime ideology of the Japanese empire. As the Japanese-occupied areas were enlarged, target audience of the GEBS also expanded to Chinese people and foreign nationals when Japanese, English, Russian, and Shanghai-dialect news was broadcast by the station. Suffice it to say that the GEBS was closely related to wartime propaganda of the Japanese imperial expansion.