This study agrees with the idea that a situation centered perspective provides a useful contribution in understanding women's attitude on organizations. Women's occupational experiences are less related to their "femaleness" than to the structural constraints inherent in the occupational positions women fill. So characteristics of the organizational situation including gender composition and hierarchical status may "shape and define" women's experience on the job. The present study examined the managerial level's gender gap and "glass ceiling" of the corporation. According to Kanter, if the ratio of women to men in organizations begins to shift, as affirmative action and new hiring and promotion policies promised, forms of relationships and corporate culture should also change. However, the mere presence of women on workplace may not, in itself, result in women-friendly work condition. This study analyzes "Korean Women Manger Panel survey(2010 3rd. wave)" to examine how much gender gap of the managerial level persists and when the glass ceiling effect emerges. Using t-test and ANOVA, various aspects of the gender gap within managerial level were verified. The most significant finding is the glass ceiling effect starts from very low level of management. Policy implications from the statistical analysis of the Panel survey are: 1) We need to increase the absolute number of the women managers for securing middle level women leadership pipe line. 2) We need to confront the fact that the glass ceiling starts from the very low managerial level, and to explore more realistic way to break up the vicious circle for the tokenism. and 3) We need to looking beyond numbers in approaching women's matter at work. At the cultural and institutional level, work-family programs and policies, women's ratings of their competence, and family-friendly organization's climate should be considered.
This study aims to provide a theoretical base for making a character education program on "how primary school students to cultivate their own right and good-minded characters." This study consists of three approaches: 1) an integrative approach based on the social and emotional learning, 2) development of integrative programs articulating three key domains directly and indirectly influencing students' character formation - school, family and local community(society), 3) maximum use of the educational institutes' moral education curriculums and the potential curriculums in the surrounding environment. In concrete, by specializing "social awareness and relationship skills" from various social and emotional ones, this study suggests an integrative program for the character education based on the theory of virtue in the Eastern philosophy. To develop such an Eastern philosophy-based integrative program for the cultivation of the social awareness and personal relationship skills, this study applies some virtue items of Eastern Ethics: for examples, 'rectification of the name(正名)' to improve skills for rational choice on the awareness and performance of social roles, 'empathy(忠恕)' to enhance the ability to share another person's feelings and emotions as if they were my own, 'reflect and seek in oneself(反求諸己)' to solve conflicts in peace and self-reflection, 'difficulty with countenance(色難)' to respond to others by understanding their situations and characters, 'select and follow good qualities of others and reform their bad qualities(擇其善者而從之, 其不善者而改之)' to make good results from various forms of personal relationship, and 'keep same respect as at first to old acquaintance(久而敬之)' to maintain good and emotional relationships. In particular, by underlining 'rectification of the name(正名)' and 'reflect and seek in oneself(反求諸己)', this study attempts to develop an alternative integrative program articulating three domains of school, family and local community.
In this treatise, the researcher closely examined the I-Xue(易學) compiled and edited by YulGok(栗谷) with a focus on the concept, namely Communication(疏通). I-Xue(易學) compiled by YulGok(栗谷) adopted the discourses of I-Xue(易學) or changes in the Song Dynasty of ancient China, and engrafted his own logics, dubbed Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙), thereunto. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) expresses a state of exchanging information and Communication(疏通), and, at this time, Communication(疏通) encompasses not only the meaning of communication between two heterogeneous factors but also the broader meaning of Communication(疏通) that embrace the Communication(疏通) between heaven and human beings. In his theories in relation to Tiyongyiyuan(體用一源) and Heluoxiangshulun(河洛象數論), YulGok(栗谷) also applied the logic of Communication(疏通). Although YulGok(栗谷) admits the general theory that substance and function have the same source, which understands principle and phenomenon as two forms of existence, he tried to place emphasis more on the aspect of Communication(疏通) by interpreting Li(理) and Xiang(象) in terms of the issues concerned with Li(理) and Jian(踐). In his theory concerned with Magic Squares and Circles, Images and Numbers, such a standpoint is being applied likewise. By emphasizing the fact that Hetu("河圖") may turn out to be Luoshu("洛書"), and vice versa, YulGok(栗谷) stressed that there are communicative relations that are required in order to communicate ideas to one another. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), the logic of Communication(疏通) is culminated with the discourse of Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與). YulGok(栗谷), in his book Ishuce(易數策), uses such expression as Tianrenjiaoyuzhimiao(天人交與之?), and, at this time, he used this expression bearing Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) in mind. The reason for using the expression, such as Jiaoyu(交與), in lieu of Heyi(合一) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to emphasize such relations as that heaven and humans are required for interrelated relationship. Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is an expression to indicate the close relationship between heaven and human beings, meanwhile, however, YulGok(栗谷) puts more emphasis on human efforts than those that of heaven. The reason for introducing human as the subjective figure in the Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to stress practical efforts of humans.
The purpose of this study is aesthetical inquiry on agreement inherent in the 'Pyeongkunyul of "Siakhwaseong" "Yulryo" is to have come from the 'Taekuk'. as the structure of 'Yumyaungdaedae' which 'represents a "Dosu". it becomes "Habsanweil" and it consists of "HwangjongYul" on it. There are two kinds of ways to "Pyeongkunyul" and "Sambunsonikyul". "PyeongkunYul is characterized by soundly solving the challenges of the "Jueibulban". "Yulryo" is to pursue a 'Hwa' through that "Eum" response each other. The human ear to listen to "Yul" and can be divided "Yul" because the same "Eum" is to meet with one another. The other two 'Eum' at the same time the "Maeknory" is caused by the ratio of the frequency. because "Hwaibudong". In the "DongEum" and 'octave of Eum' is not a "Maeknory" when listening ear of a person 'Dong'. In contrast, "Hwa" is a sound relationship revealed in "12Yul" in "Dong Eum" with the exception of 'octaves of Eum', that is the most easy to hear 4Do(5Do) at "Yulryo" From the point of view for "Joenchecaeyong", 4do forms a pure sound there is no Maeknory, such as "Dongeum", only partial ones in the "12Yul" by "Sambunsonik". 4Do(5Do) in "Pyeongkunyul" although though the "Maeknory" of about times put to 3 seconds to occur, so that makes the perfect "Hwa" in all of the "12Yul" "Yulryo" is apparent to the sound. "YangYul" and "Eumryo" that began from "Taekuk" which must be extended to the same "Eumga" Therefore "12Yul" consisting "Pyeongkunyul" is based on the "Yackry" of "Habsanweil" As a whole to achieve the overall Harmony and based on the As aesthetical on agreement inherent of "Hwa".
Writing is a process and work of expressing one's own feelings and thoughts that are not contained in rigid forms; however, the literary trend and environment during the Late Joseon was not so tolerant. A revivalist approach to writing was dominant during this period, which was summarized in the expression that "Prose must be written in the style of Qin and Han; and Poetry in that of High Tang. "Hence, it was practically a taboo to express one's raw emotions and disregard the custom and regulations of writing. Nevertheless, literati, who got tired of the dogmatic rule of Neo-Confucianism at the time that refused to see the changing world and the pseudo-archaic writing that merely imitated the outside and was empty inside, attempted new styles of writing to escape from the model or example and what was familiar. Lee Yong-hyu, who was in the middle of such transformations, learned the trends of Late Ming and Early Qing through the newly imported Chinese books and created his own style that reflected his personality. His writings refused the Neo-Confucian system of thoughts, which was a dominant ideology of the time, paid attention to the human nature and emphasized the restoration of the self. His writing could be described as being anti-pseudo-archaic and criticized the pretentious trend of the time. He argued that in order to restore the true self, one must recover the innocent mind that was bestowed on human by heaven/nature (cheon-li, 天理), and for this purpose, one must straighten out one's mind (sim, 心). His argument is similar to that of "Yangming School of Mind," which could be represented by the phrase, "Mind is the Principle (心卽理)." Yangming School claimed that moral principle existed within one's mind; and this was in stark contrast with the Neo-Confucian idea that "principle (li)"was external and transcendent, and was spoken by the great Confucian masters and written down in Confucian Classics. By denying the externality of the principle and underscoring its immanence, the idea that centralized Confucian Classics and canons was dismantled. Lee Yong-hyu's writing styles that denied the model and emphasized the restoration of the self was influenced by such thoughts. However, one must neither hastily judge that he is an advocate of Yangming School of Mind, nor determine the anti-pseudo-archaic writers' ideological basis as the philosophy of Yangming School. Once it is rigidly defined, be it Zhu Xi's philosophy or Wang Yangming's philosophy, it becomes another model that one must abide by, and again the self disappears. Thus, Lee Yong-hyu defied any kind of model that claimed authenticity or precedence and wished that people would live independently as oneself, and left such claims and wishes in writing. That is the reason, after more than two hundred years later, we still read his writings.
The transcriptions of Buddhist sutra in the Goryeo Dynasty are more elaborate and splendid than those of any other period and occupy a very important position in Korean bibliography. Among them, the transcriptions made on indigo paper show decorative features that represent the dignity and quality that nobles would have preferred. Particularly, during the Goryeo Dynasty, a large number of transcriptions were made on indigo paper, often in hand-scrolled and folded forms. If flexibility was not guaranteed, the hand-scrolled form caused inconvenience and damage when handling the transcription because of the structural limitations of the material that is rolled up and opened. It was possible to overcome these shortcomings by changing from the hand-scrolled to the folded form to obtain convenience and structural stability. The folded form of the transcription utilizes the same principle as the folding screen, so it is a structure that can be folded and unfolded, and it is made by connecting parts at regularly spaced intervals. No matter how small the transcription is, if it is made of thin paper, it is difficult to handle it and to maintain its shape and structure. For this reason, the folded transcription was usually made of thick paper to support the structure, and the cover was made thicker than the inner part to protect the contents. In other words, the forded form was generally manufactured to suit the characteristics of maintaining strength by making the paper thick. Because a large amount of indigo paper was needed to make this type of transcription, it is assumed that there were craftsmen who were in charge only of dark dyeing the papers. Usually, paper dyeing requires much more dye than silk dyeing, and dyeing dozens of times would be required to obtain the deep indigo color of the base of the transcription of Buddhist sutra in the Goryeo Dynasty. Unfortunately, there is no record of the Goryeo Dynasty's indigo blue paper manufacturing technique, and the craftsmen who made indigo paper no longer remain, so no one knows the exact method of making indigo paper. Recently, Hanji artisans, natural dyers, and conservators attempted to restore the Goryeo Dynasty's indigo paper, but the texture and deep colors found in the relics could not be reproduced. This study introduces the process of restoring indigo paper in the Goryeo Dynasty through collaboration between dyeing artisans, Hanji artisans, and conservators for conservation of the transcription of Buddhist sutra in the late Goryeo dynasty, yielding a suggested method of making indigo paper.
The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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v.7
no.3
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pp.187-195
/
2021
Nam Nong Heo Geon(1908-1987) re-recognized and re-created the tradition of Korean Namjong painting by excluding Japanese art forms after liberation. He is a great painter in the Korean art world, who has succeeded and developed Korean Namjong Painting in a modern way, pioneering a new field of 'NewNamhwa' with a composition that fuses modern Western style and real scenery. Based on optimism, Namnong's painting world can be divided into three periods: the 'Namnong Sanin' period in the 1930s, the 'Namnongoesa' period from the mid-1940s to the early 1950s, and the 'the owner of Unlimsanbang' period after that. The Namnong Sanin period is a period in which the painting style handed down from the traditional namhwau family of Sochi and Misan is fully acquired, and the Japanese painting style for the exhibition in Seonjeon is reflected, and the local real scenery is treated a lot, and the two styles are mixed. In the Namnong-oesa period, after liberation, a new formativeness was explored in the traditional Namhwa style. In particular, based on the scenery and sentiments of the southern provinces, he focused on local and landscape paintings, depicting real landscapes with lyricism and local love, while expressing subjects with fast brush strokes, a worndown writing brush, and dry brushes, along with freehand adjustment of shading. The period of the owner of unlimsanbang is in accordance with the flow of modern art to some extent, but is gradually omitted as a composition full of academic fragrance that draws a meaning befitting traditional painting. I painted a lot of lyrical landscapes and pine trees of sumugdamchae. Namnong named it 'NewNamhwa'. Namnong established 'Namhwa Research Institute' and worked hard to nurture his disciples, where Im-in's son Heomun and Namnong's eldest grandson Heojin practiced, continuing the legacy of the 5th generation Unlimsanbang painter.
Jo, Hyemin;Hong, Minsun;Son, Jongju;Lee, Hyun-Yeong;Park, Kyeong-Beom;Jung, Jongyun;Huh, Min
Journal of the Korean earth science society
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v.42
no.6
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pp.662-676
/
2021
The Yeosu Sado dinosaur tracksite is well known for many dinosaur tracks and research on the gregarious behavior of dinosaurs. In addition, various geological and geographical heritage sites are distributed on Sado Island. However, educational field trips for students are very limited due to accessibility according to its geological location, time constraints due to tides, and continuous weathering and damage. Therefore, this study aims to generate 3D models and images of dinosaur tracks using the photogrammetric method, which has recently been used in various fields, and then discuss the possibility of using them as paleontological research and educational contents. As a result of checking the obtained 3D images and models, it was possible to confirm the existence of footprints that were not previously discovered or could not represent details by naked eyes or photos. Even previously discovered tracks could possibly present details using 3D images that could not be expressed by photos or interpretive drawings. In addition, the 3D model of dinosaur tracks can be preserved as semi-permanent data, enabling various forms of utilization and preservation. Here we apply 3D printing and mobile augmented reality content using photogrammetric 3D models for a virtual field trip, and these models acquired by photogrammetry can be used in various educational content fields that require 3D models.
The incarnation of Jesus and Jeungsan's descending to earth as a human being are important theological theories in their respective religions, Christianity and Daesoon Jinrihoe. Both theories are the doctrinal devices necessary for the religious description of each religion. However, this kind of study is likely to result in a theological study that generates religious apologia or explanations. Therefore, it is impossible and meaningless to define the theory of another religion as meta-discourse in terms of one's own religious viewpoint. From a traditional theological point of view, the incarnation is an exceptionalist case wherein God descended as a human being named Jesus to save humanity from original sin. In the case of Jeungsan's descending to earth as a human being, its religious features appear in various forms, so the attempt to unify these two is not an objective method of religious studies. However, this paper aims to find the religious significance of Jesus' incarnation and Jeungsan's descending to earth as a human being by understanding them from a third-person terminology or third-person religious viewpoint rather than from a specific theological position. To this end, this paper will use Kim Jong-seo's position that the concept of Jeungsan's descending to earth as a human being was borrowed from the concept of the incarnation of Jesus as the premise of the research generated in this paper. Therefore, this paper avoids the quest for "Total Christ" or "Total Jeungsan" that integrates and views the divine and human elements of Jesus and Jeungsan. This is because such a research method becomes a theological study. Instead, it excludes transcendental elements or metaphysical aspects that discuss the divine pre-existences of Jesus and Jeungsan and clarifies the significance of the incarnation and Jeungsan's descending to earth as a human being at the physical level in terms which are objective and verifiable. According to this research methodology, this paper develops a discussion after presupposing the hypothetical names of "incarnationist religion" and "divine descent in human avatar religion." However, the two presuppositions mentioned above contain elements of criticism that they are materialistic interpretations that completely eliminate connotations of divinity and religious significance. Nevertheless, it can be said that the two presuppositions have academic significance due to the way in which they avoid the current entanglement of transcendence and instead aim for modernistic relevance.
This manuscript started with the purpose of producing research that investigated and verified how Buddhism was understood by Seongdam (性潭) Song Hwan-gi (宋煥箕), the founder (宗匠) of Horon (湖論) who was active around the early 19 th century. Song Hwan-gi, Uam (尤菴) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈)'s fifth generation, was a scholar who had a deep sense of duty to inherit the Theory of Uam (尤菴學), and he adhered to the Confucian theory of genealogy (道統論) and Anti-Heresy Discourses. Thus, this manuscript expressed curiosity about Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism, which was the representative heresy. This manuscript examined the naming method of Buddhist clergy (僧侶), degree of pedagogical knowledge, and critical statements that were made concerning Buddhist tales (說話). Meanwhile, it is noticeable that the terms of address for Buddhist clergy were composed of four categories: general terms, honorific forms, palanquins [輿], and miscellaneous terms of address. This scheme conforms to the Buddhist-friendly aspects of Song Hwan-gi. Examples of these terms of address include Danseung (擔僧) and Yeoseung (輿僧), both of which were Buddhist clergy who carried palanquins. Naturally, Song Hwan-gi was helped by Buddhist clergy when he went sightseeing on famous mountains. In the meantime, Song Hwan-gi's pedagogical knowledge can be shown to be not especially profound based on his understanding of The Diamond Sutra, The Avatamska Sutra, and The Shurangama Sutra. Cheongnyansan Travel Records (淸凉山遊覽錄) and Dongyu Diary (東遊日記) make it clear that Song Hwan-gi had no interest in taking refuge in the three treasures of Buddhism (佛法僧 三寶). It is rather the case that he was deeply critical of Buddhism. On the other hand, Song Hwan-gi expressed profound sadness when he encountered the dilapidated remains (古蹟) of Buddhist temples and hermitages. Consequentially, it can be concluded that Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism contained examples of affirmation, acceptance, denial, and exclusion.
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