• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.89-99
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• 2014

This paper offers a landscape design proposal for the 2014 Dreampark Chrysanthemum Festival within the Sudokwon Landfill Site. This site is located at 58 Baeksukdong, Seo-gu, Incheon, and it has an area of approximately $560,000m^2$. Over 1.53million visitors came to this festival on the previous year. This design includes an overall masterplan and a series of planting plans along with a core selection of iconic topiaries. The goal of the design is to create a landscape that improves the value of the place image and local economy as well as celebrates the 2014 Incheon Asian Game. In order to achieve this goal, three design subjects were considered: promoting local pride as a part of Incheon, increasing the aesthetic value of the site based on the brand image, and sustainable placemaking. To promote local pride, the 2km long "Little Incheon" is designed over a wildflower field, which is inspired by Incheon Bridge to give a strong image of the locality. A variety of programs from local gardening participation were introduced to the east part of the site. The design also outlines the vision for the development of Dreampark - a people-oriented gathering place for the entire community with spaces that offer a variety of unstructured recreational and cultural experiences. To increase the aesthetic brand value of the festival, it introduced a variety of wildflower beds scattering through the whole site. It creates a strong brand image for the festival and memories that will encourage visitors to return. Various folktales of Asian countries are displayed by autumn flowers and groundcover plants at the centre of the site, which is the highlight of the festival site. For sustainable placemaking, the design preserves the existing trees and reed beds for wildlife to create natural layers of landscape. In addition, facilities and service centers are designed to be flexible and are centred on the needs of the people using them. Also a festival management scheme was planned in order to operate the site efficiently and economically.

• Asian-Australasian Journal of Animal Sciences
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• v.17 no.11
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• pp.1615-1634
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• 2004

A review was undertaken to obtain information on the sustainability of pig free-range production systems including the management, performance and health of pigs in the system. Modern outdoor rearing systems requires simple portable and flexible housing with low cost fencing. Local pig breeds and outdoor-adapted breeds for certain environment are generally more suitable for free-range systems. Free-range farms should be located in a low rainfall area and paddocks should be relatively flat, with light topsoil overlying free-draining subsoil with the absence of sharp stones that can cause foot damage. Huts or shelters are crucial for protecting pigs from direct sun burn and heat stress, especially when shade from trees and other facilities is not available. Pigs commonly graze on strip pastures and are rotated between paddocks. The zones of thermal comfort for the sow and piglet differ markedly; between 12-22$^{\circ}C$ for the sow and 30-37$^{\circ}C$ for piglets. Offering wallows for free-range pigs meets their behavioural requirements, and also overcomes the effects of high ambient temperatures on feed intake. Pigs can increase their evaporative heat loss via an increase in the proportion of wet skin by using a wallow, or through water drips and spray. Mud from wallows can also coat the skin of pigs, preventing sunburn. Under grazing conditions, it is difficult to control the fibre intake of pigs although a high energy, low fibre diet can be used. In some countries outdoor sows are fitted with nose rings to prevent them from uprooting the grass. This reduces nutrient leaching of the land due to less rooting. In general, free-range pigs have a higher mortality compared to intensively housed pigs. Many factors can contribute to the death of the piglet including crushing, disease, heat stress and poor nutrition. With successful management, free-range pigs can have similar production to door pigs, although the growth rate of the litters is affected by season. Piglets grow quicker indoors during the cold season compared to outdoor systems. Pigs reared outdoors show calmer behaviour. Aggressive interactions during feeding are lower compared to indoor pigs while outdoor sows are more active than indoor sows. Outdoor pigs have a higher parasite burden, which increases the nutrient requirement for maintenance and reduces their feed utilization efficiency. Parasite infections in free-range pigs also risks the image of free-range pork as a clean and safe product. Diseases can be controlled to a certain degree by grazing management. Frequent rotation is required although most farmers are keeping their pigs for a longer period before rotating. The concept of using pasture species to minimise nematode infections in grazing pigs looks promising. Plants that can be grown locally and used as part of the normal feeding regime are most likely to be acceptable to farmers, particularly organic farmers. However, one of the key concerns from the public for free-range pig production system is the impact on the environment. In the past, the pigs were held in the same paddock at a high stocking rate, which resulted in damage to the vegetation, nutrient loading in the soil, nitrate leaching and gas emission. To avoid this, outdoor pigs should be integrated in the cropping pasture system, the stock should be mobile and stocking rate related to the amount of feed given to the animals.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.6
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• pp.158-170
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• 2013

With the recent 'Creative economy' and 'Cultural prosperity' coming to the fore as a new code to build up a city or a region, it is necessary to focus on strengthening the regional creative capacity as well as developing spontaneous regional culture. In such trend this research aims to explore the Kyunglidan-gil, Seoul, Korea in which creative-class are appearing autogenously in clusters and forming new cultural landscape, to identify the factors of their accumulation and changing aspect of cultural landscape. This study has the following purposes: First, Investigating the historical context of the Kyunglidan-gil's landscape. Second, considering the process of the creative-class being flowed into the Kyunglidan-gil as the subject leading to the modification of the region. Third, their activity was analyzed to consider the unique aspect of forming the cultural landscape at the Kyunglidan-gil. Regarding why the creative-class should flow in, results of the study drew five factors including region in issue compared to inexpensive rents, coexistence with nature, quiet atmosphere seeming isolated from the urban confusion, location possible to test and share individual materials one likes, and a site with synergy effect of activity through the network with acquaintances. Also, five characteristics of cultural landscape forming by the people's activity were drawn - space of communication for increasing creativity, temporary and flexible spatial use, expression of one's identity and taste, distinguishing, and positive use of the existing facilities. Like this, by exposing the 'creative-class', a subject of the leader in changing process of the Kyunglidan-gil, this research identified the aspect of forming cultural landscape.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.10 no.5
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• pp.73-81
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• 2015

This research is designed to analyze the moderating effect of social capital between organizational slack and managerial practices for open innovation. After controlling the firm size, firm age, and environmental uncertainty, we test two hypotheses. First, we test the hypothesis that organizational slack has a positive effect on managerial practices for open innovation. Especially we focus on the managerial innovation and open innovation because recently managerial innovation and open innovation are more and more important. Second, we test the moderating role of social capital between organizational slack and managerial practices for open innovation. Because social capital is a kind of networking activity, we assume that social capital can contribute to managerial practices for open innovation through the networking activity. For this research, we administered the questionnaire surveys, and got the 250 effective data (companies) in Korea. Then we used the validity, reliability, correlation and multiple regression analysis by means of SPSS 18.0. As a result, we can find the two meaningful results. First, organizational slack, especially not absorbed slack but unabsorbed slack, has positive effect on managerial practices for open innovation. It is because absorbed slack such as excessive facilities, machines, or employees is not useful in managerial practices for open innovation. On the other hand, unabsorbed slack is useful in managerial practices for open innovation because unabsorbed slack such as excessive money or securities is very flexible and active. Taken together, the relationship between managerial practices for open innovation and unabsorbed slack is proven in terms of flexibility. Second, social capital has a moderating effect positively between organizational slack, especially not absorbed slack but unabsorbed slack, and managerial practices for open innovation. A prior study related to the relationship between managerial practices for open innovation and social capital doesn't exist yet, so this analysis result is very meaningful in academic respect. But this research has some limitations. First, this research is analyzed by limited region (Korea) and samples (250 companies), so more global regions and samples are recommended in the future. Second, we focus on managerial practices for open innovation in this paper, so the studies about technological practices for open innovation are recommended in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.137-165
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• 1994

Structural adjustment of industry (or industrial restructuring) seems to be inherent in the process of capitalist economic development, which tends to be proceeded with shifts from one stage to another in order to overcome structural crises generated in each stage. The structural adjustment of industry is necessarily accompanied with regional restructuring, since it is not only projected on spece, but also mediated by space. Such a restructuring necessitates industrial and uneven regional devlopment through which capital can seek excessive profits over the rate of socio-spatial average. The industrial restructuring and uneven regional development in the 1980s in Korea can be seen as a process in which capital attempted with a strong support of the govenment to overcome the crises in the end of 1970s and hence to go on rapid economic growth. In this process, capital, especially monopoly capital concentrated into few conglomerates, pursued both extensive expansion and intensive development of industry simultaneously. In results, the Korean economy could eliminate some of peripheral characters and maturate the Fordist accumulation system. The extensive expansion of the Korean industry in the 1980s was stimulated mainly through the enlargement and adjustment of investment for equipment facilities which was planned to exclude or rationalize traditional light industries on some places, and to continue rapid growth of key heavy-chemical industries, especially of fabricated metal industry, on other places. In this process, keeping mainly the existing developmental axis which polarized the Seoul Metroplitan region and the Southeast region in Korea, the enhancing spatial mobiiity of capital and the further differentiating division of labour enforced a tendency of concentration of all types of industry in the Seoul Metropolitan region, and at the same time provoked the diffusion of some industries over Jeolla and Chungchong regions in a considerable extent. The intensive development of industriai structure in the 1980s was pursued through the strategic encouragement of subcontracting small firms mainly which produced assembling components, the technical enhancement and factory (semi-) automation, and the enrichment of service industries for estate management, finance, distribution and retailing which supported and complemented the production of goods. In this process, enabling capital to extend and elaborate its domination over space through the reorganization of regulating systems, the Fordist division of labour generated a socio-spatial hierarchy in the nation-wide scale that characterized: the Seoul Metropolitan region as an overmaturated (or overarching) Fordist region performing the conceptive functions of management, research and development, in which all types of industry (including service industries) tended to be reconcentrated; Kyungsang region as a maturated Fordist region with excutive branches of large conglomerates and with subcontracting firms around them which produced standardized products through the automized production processes in secialized Fordist industries or rationalized traditional industries; and Jeolla and Chungchong regions as newly devloping Fordist regions with newly migrated branches and some subcontracting small firms-in relatively older Fordist industries or partly rationalized traditional industries. From these analyses, it can be argued that the structural adjustment of the Korean industry in the 1980s, which had carried out both through the extensive expansion and the intensive deveiopment, strengthened further uneven regional development process, even though it appears to have reduced apparently the economic and regional disparity by balancing numerically large and small firms and by extending the Fordist industrial space nation-wideiy. And it seems more persuasive to see that the Korean industrial structure in the 1980s maturated the Fordist system of accumulation, but not yet transformed towards the post-Fordist (or the so-called flexible) accumulation system, even though the Korean economy in the 1990s seems to be under a pressure of restructuring towards the latter system.