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The First North Korean Painting in the Collection of the National Museum of Korea: Myogilsang on Diamond Mountain by Seon-u Yeong (국립중앙박물관 소장 산률(山律) 선우영(鮮于英) 필(筆) <금강산 묘길상도>)

  • Yi, Song-mi
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.97
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    • pp.87-104
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    • 2020
  • Myogilsang on Diamond Mountain, signed and dated (2000) by Seon-u Yeong (1946-2009), is the first work by a North Korean artist to enter the collection of the National Museum of Korea (fig. 1a). The donor acquired the painting directly from the artist in Pyeongyang in 2006. In consequence, there are no issues with the painting's authenticity.This painting is the largest among all existing Korean paintings, whether contemporary or from the Joseon Dynasty, to depict this iconography (see chart 1. A Chronological List of Korean Myogilsang Paintings.) It is ink and color on paper, measures 130.2 × 56.2 centimeters, and is in a hanging scroll format. Since this essay is intended as a brief introduction of the painting and not in-depth research into it, I will simply examine the following four areas: 1. Seon-u Yeong's background; 2. The location and the traditional appellation of the rock-cut image known as Myogilsang; 3. The iconography of the image; and 4) A comparative analysis of Seon-u Yeong's painting in light of other paintings on the same theme. Finally, I will present two more of his works to broaden the understanding of Seon-u Yeong as a painter. 1. Seon-u Yeong: According to the donor, who met Seon-u at his workshop in the Cheollima Jejakso (Flying Horse Workshop) three years before the artist's death, he was an individual of few words but displayed a firm commitment to art. His preference for subjects such as Korean landscapes rather than motifs of socialist realism such as revolutionary leaders is demonstrated by the fact that, relative to his North Korean contemporaries, he seems to have produced more paintings of the former. In recent years, Seon-u Yeong has been well publicized in Korea through three special exhibitions (2012 through 2019). He graduated from Pyeongyang College of Fine Arts in 1969 and joined the Central Fine Arts Production Workshop focusing on oil painting. In 1973 he entered the Joseon Painting Production Workshop and began creating traditional Korean paintings in ink and color. His paintings are characterized by intense colors and fine details. The fact that his mother was an accomplished embroidery specialist may have influenced on Seon-u's choice to use intense colors in his paintings. By 1992, he had become a painter representing the Democratic People's Republic of Korea with several titles such as Artist of Merit, People's Artist, and more. About 60 of his paintings have been designated as National Treasures of the DPRK. 2. The Myogilsang rock-cut image is located in the Manpok-dong Valley in the inner Geumgangsan Mountain area. It is a high-relief image about 15 meters tall cut into a niche under 40 meters of a rock cliff. It is the largest of all the rock-cut images of the Goryeo period. This image is often known as "Mahayeon Myogilsang," Mahayeon (Mahayana) being the name of a small temple deep in the Manpokdong Valley (See fig. 3a & 3b). On the right side of the image, there is an intaglio inscription of three Chinese characters by the famous scholar-official and calligrapher Yun Sa-guk (1728-1709) reading "妙吉祥"myogilsang (fig. 4a, 4b). 3. The iconography: "Myogilsang" is another name for the Bhodhisattva Mañjuśrī. The Chinese pronunciation of Myogilsang is "miaojixiang," which is similar in pronunciation to Mañjuśrī. Therefore, we can suggest a 妙吉祥 ↔ Mañjuśrī formula for the translation and transliteration of the term. Even though the image was given a traditional name, the mudra presented by the two hands in the image calls for a closer examination. They show the making of a circle by joining the thumb with the ring finger (fig. 6). If the left land pointed downward, this mudra would conventionally be considered "lower class: lower life," one of the nine mudras of the Amitabha. However, in this image the left hand is placed across its abdomen at an almost 90-degree angle to the right hand (fig. 6). This can be interpreted as a combination of the "fear not" and the "preaching" mudras (see note 10, D. Saunders). I was also advised by the noted Buddhist art specialist Professor Kim Jeong-heui (of Won'gwang University) to presume that this is the "preaching" mudra. Therefore, I have tentatively concluded that this Myogilsang is an image of the Shakyamuni offering the preaching mudra. There is no such combination of hand gestures in any other Goryeo-period images. The closest I could identify is the Beopjusa Rock-cut Buddha (fig. 7) from around the same time. 4. Comparative analysis: As seen in , except for the two contemporary paintings, all others on this chart are in ink or ink and light color. Also, none of them included the fact that the image is under a 40-meter cliff. In addition, the Joseon-period paintings all depicted the rock-cut image as if it were a human figure, using soft brushstrokes and rounded forms. None of these paintings accurately rendered the mudra from the image as did Seon-u. Only his painting depicts the natural setting of the image under the cliff along with a realistic rendering of the image. However, by painting the tall cliff in dark green and by eliminating elements on either side of the rock-cut image, the artist was able to create an almost surreal atmosphere surrounding the image. Herein lies the uniqueness of Seon-u Yeong's version. The left side of Seon-u's 2007 work Mount Geumgang (fig. 8) lives up to his reputation as a painter who depicts forms (rocks in this case) in minute detail, but in the right half of the composition it also shows his skill at presenting a sense of space. In contrast, Wave (fig. 9), a work completed one year before his death, displays his faithfulness to the traditions of ink painting. Even based on only three paintings by Seon-u Yeong, it seems possible to assess his versatility in both traditional ink and color mediums.

Rock-magnetic Properties of Chimneys from TA25 Seamount in the Tofua Arc, Southwest Pacific (통가 EEZ내 TA25 해저산에서 채취한 열수광체의 암석자기학적 특성 연구)

  • Kim, Wonnyon;Pak, Sang Joon;Lee, Kyeong Yong;Moon, Jai-Woon;Kim, Hyun Sub;Choi, Sun Ki
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.46 no.3
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    • pp.207-214
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    • 2013
  • To identify rock-magnetic properties of volcanogenic hydrothermal sulfide deposits, chimneys were obtained from the Tofua Arc in Southwest Pacific, using a remotely operated vehicle (ROV) and Grab with AV cameras (GTVs). Three different types of chimneys used in this study are a high-temperature chimney with venting fluid-temperature of about $200^{\circ}C$ (ROV01), a low-temperature chimney of about $80^{\circ}C$ (GTV01), and an inactive chimney (ROV02). Magnetic properties of ROV01 are dominated by pyrrhotite, except for the outermost that experienced severe oxidation. Concentration and grain-size of ROV01 pyrrhotite are relatively low and fine. For GTV01, both magnetic concentration and grain-size increase from interior to margin. Pyrrhotite, dominant in the core, becomes mixed with hematite in the rim of the chimney due to secondary oxidation. High concentration and large grain-size of magnetic minerals characterize the ROV02. Dominant magnetic phases are pyrrhotite, hematite and goethite. In particular, the outermost rim shows a presence of magnetite produced by magnetotactic bacterial activity. Such distinctive contrast in magnetic concentration, grain-size and mineralogy among three different types of chimney enables the rock-magnetic study to characterize an evolution of hydrothermal deposits.

A study of the destructive styles from Contemporary Paintings - Focused on distinguishing enmity-destruction and self-destruction - (현대회화에서 드러난 해체의 형식론에 관한 연구 -타의적 해체와 자의적 해체의 성격규정을 중심으로-)

  • Park Ki-Woong
    • Journal of Science of Art and Design
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    • v.7
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    • pp.5-63
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    • 2005
  • Generally, the meanings of destruction are related in the meaning of demolition, breakdown, into fragments ... and so on, and the similar meanings are twist, crush, demolish, split, cut, into pieces , break up ... etc. Further, it has related in the cruelty and destructive heart which are linked with orgy, Sadism, Necrophilia and so on. The meanings are also expressed by the initial , which are deprivation, deface, defame, deform, degrade, delegitimize, denounce , deride, destroy, devalue, as well as debase, debunk, declaim, declassify, decry, delete, denigrate, deprecate, despise or detract ...and so on. Dario Gamboni has discussed the meaning in his book as two categories Iconoclasm and Vandalism. And the similar meanings could be found in the words which has the initial of , like abase, abate, abhor, abjure, abolish, abridge, abuse ...and so on. Even though the distinct meanings of Iconoclasm and Vandalism, it is not easy to distinguish clearly between the differences when the results are accomplished in contemporary paintings because of the similarity of the results. In korean vocabulary there are no similar words to distinguish between the meanings of destruction and deconstruction, and the deconstruction is not recorded in the general dictionaries. However the meaning of is diminishing, separation, contrast and so on. So the unification of the word as do-construction is not construct, minus construction, reverse construction. And Vincent Ditch explained that there are the meaning of destroy the text. From Jacques Derrida, the deconstruction strategy is to criticise the world of traditional metaphysics and logocentrism, and not to reconstruire the philosophical meaning of texts but $d\'{e}construire$ them. And Saussure emphasized that the signifers could have more meaning that there can be more signified in traditional texts in the art. as a result, deconstruction is explained that there are many signified meanings in a signifer. In this thesis , from using the meanings of destruction and deconstruction, to distinguish the expressive skills in contemporary art works are arising. Therefore, special methods which are linked in the destruction styles are selected. As a result, the two different purposes of destruction is arising, one is enmity destruction and the other is self destruction another word, auto destruction or destruction to create The enmity destruction can be distinguished by the two category Iconoclasm and Vandalism. They come from the moment of different historical aspect is arising and want to attack the Icon or masterpiece this concept is from the study of John Philips and especially iconoclasm is linked with religious and artistic heart, but Vandalism is come from the political attack. Sometime, this distinguish is not clearly arising, because the two aspects are co-related in the attack. As a result, firstly, the Iconoclastic controversy had arisen in the methods of Dadaism which has developed by Man Ray, Francis Picabia and Marcel Duchamp. They want to attack the pre-established master-pieces and painting spaces, and they had 'non-artistic attitude' not to be art. Since 1980, the German artist Anselm Kiefer adapted the methods and made them his special skills so he had tried to paint tough brush strokes and draw with hugh pallette image line and fire and water images , they can be the image attack as the Iconoclasm. secondly, the model of vandalism is to be done by hammer, drill, canon and so on. the method is to attack the content of painting. Further, the object of destruction is bound by cords and iron lings to demolish or to declare the authority of pre-statues; it symbolize the pre-authority is gone already. Self-destruction based paintings are clearly different in the purpose of approaching the art work. First of all, they can be auto-destruction, creative destruction and metamorphosis destruction, which is linked with the skill the material aspect and basic stature, and sign destruction or signifier destruction, which is link with the inner meaning destruction that is considered as the Semiotical destruction in post-modern paintings. Since 1960, the auto destruction is based on the method of firing, melting, grinding and similar skills, which is linked with Neo-Dada and reverse-assemblage. Metamorphosis destruction is strongly linked with the basic inner heart price and quality, so it can be resulted in the changedness of expectation and recognition. Tony Cragg has developed the skills to metamorphose the wood as stone or iron as cloth and stone as sponge and rubber and so on. The researcher has developed the same style in the series of since 2003. The other self-destructive methods are found in the skill of sign destruction. In the methods the meaning of the art is not fixed as one or two, but is developed multi-meaning and differ from original starting situation, so Jacques Derrida called the difference meaning in deconstruction. It is the destruction of textes. These methods are accomplished by David Salle, Francesco Clemente, and recently Tracy Emin, who has developed the attacking heart in the spectators' emotion. Sometime in the method of self-destruction, it is based on horror and shock, the method is explored by Demian Hirst and Jakes and Dinos Chapman. Their destructive styles stimulate ambivalent heart and destroy original sign of girl and animals.

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Langerhans Cell Histiocytosis in the Skull: Comparison of MR Image and Other Images (두개골의 랑게르한스 세포 조직구증: 자기공명영상과 다른 영상과의 비교)

  • Lim, Soo-Jin;Lim, Myung-Kwan;Park, Sun-Won;Kim, Jung-Eun;Kim, Ji-Hye;Kim, Deok-Hwan;Lee, Seok-Lyong;Suh, Chang-Hae
    • Investigative Magnetic Resonance Imaging
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    • v.13 no.1
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    • pp.74-80
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    • 2009
  • Purpose : To evaluate the characteristic MR imaging findings of Langerhans cell histiocytosis (LCH) in the skull and to compare them with those of plain radiography and computed tomography. Materials and Methods : A total of 10 lesions in 9 patients (Age range; 5-42 years, Mean age; 18, all women) with Langerhans cell histiocytosis in the skull were included in our study. Nine lesions in nine patients were histologically confirmed by surgery or fine needle aspiration biopsy. All patients performed with MRI, and plain radiography and CT scan were done in 7 patients (8 lesions). Two experienced neuroradiologists reviewed the radiological examinations independently with attention to location, size, shape and nature of the lesions in the skull and compared the extent and extension of the lesions to adjacent structures. Results : The lesions were distributed in all of the skulls without predilection site. On MRI, the masses were shown as well-enhancing soft tissue masses (10/10) mainly in diploic spaces (8/10) with extension to scalp (9/10) and dura mater (7/10). Dural enhancement (7/10) and thickening (4/10) were seen. The largest diameter of the soft tissue masses ranged 1.1 cm to 6.8 cm, shaped as round (5/10) or oval (5/10). On CT scans, the lesions were presented as soft tissue masses involving diploic space (6/8) and scalp extension (7/8) were also well visualized. Although bony erosion or destruction was more clearly seen on CT rather than those of MRI, enhancement of soft tissue masses and dura were not well visualized on CT. In contrast, all of the lesions in LCH were seen as punched out (4/8), beveled-edge appearance (4/8) osteolytic masses in plain radiography, but scalp and dural extension could not be seen. Conclusion : Characteristic MR findings in patients with LCH are soft tissue mass in diploic space with extension to dura and scalp, and MRI would be better imaging modality than plain radiography or CT.

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An Empirical Study on the Improvement of In Situ Soil Remediation Using Plasma Blasting, Pneumatic Fracturing and Vacuum Suction (플라즈마 블라스팅, 공압파쇄, 진공추출이 활용된 지중 토양정화공법의 정화 개선 효과에 대한 실증연구)

  • Jae-Yong Song;Geun-Chun Lee;Cha-Won Kang;Eun-Sup Kim;Hyun-Shic Jang;Bo-An Jang;Yu-Chul Park
    • The Journal of Engineering Geology
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    • v.33 no.1
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    • pp.85-103
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    • 2023
  • The in-situ remediation of a solidified stratum containing a large amount of fine-texture material like clay or organic matter in contaminated soil faces limitations such as increased remediation cost resulting from decreased purification efficiency. Even if the soil conditions are good, remediation generally requires a long time to complete because of non-uniform soil properties and low permeability. This study assessed the remediation effect and evaluated the field applicability of a methodology that combines pneumatic fracturing, vacuum extraction, and plasma blasting (the PPV method) to improve the limitations facing existing underground remediation methods. For comparison, underground remediation was performed over 80 days using the experimental PPV method and chemical oxidation (the control method). The control group showed no decrease in the degree of contamination due to the poor delivery of the soil remediation agent, whereas the PPV method clearly reduced the degree of contamination during the remediation period. Remediation effect, as assessed by the reduction of the highest TPH (Total Petroleum Hydrocarbons) concentration by distance from the injection well, was uncleared in the control group, whereas the PPV method showed a remediation effect of 62.6% within a 1 m radius of the injection well radius, 90.1% within 1.1~2.0 m, and 92.1% within 2.1~3.0 m. When evaluating the remediation efficiency by considering the average rate of TPH concentration reduction by distance from the injection well, the control group was not clear; in contrast, the PPV method showed 53.6% remediation effect within 1 m of the injection well, 82.4% within 1.1~2.0 m, and 68.7% within 2.1~3.0 m. Both ways of considering purification efficiency (based on changes in TPH maximum and average contamination concentration) found the PPV method to increase the remediation effect by 149.0~184.8% compared with the control group; its average increase in remediation effect was ~167%. The time taken to reduce contamination by 80% of the initial concentration was evaluated by deriving a correlation equation through analysis of the TPH concentration: the PPV method could reduce the purification time by 184.4% compared with chemical oxidation. However, the present evaluation of a single site cannot be equally applied to all strata, so additional research is necessary to explore more clearly the proposed method's effect.

The Existence and Design Intention of Jeong Seon's True-View Landscape Painting <Cheongdamdo(淸潭圖)> (겸재 정선(謙齋 鄭敾) <청담도(淸潭圖)>의 실재(實在)와 작의(作意))

  • SONG Sukho;JO Jangbin ;SIM Wookyung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.2
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    • pp.172-203
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    • 2023
  • <Cheongdamdo>(true-view landscape painting) was identified in this study to be a folding screen painting painted by Jeong Seon(a.k.a. Gyeomjae, 1676~1759) in the 32nd year of King Yeongjo(1756) while exploring the Cheongdam area located in Mt. Bukhansan near Seoul. Cheongdam Byeol-eop(Korean villa), consisting of Waunru Pavilion and Nongwolru Pavilion, was a cultural and artistic base at that time, where Nakron(Confucian political party) education took place and the Baegak Poetry Society met. <Cheongdamdo> is a painting that recalls a period of autumn rainfall in 1756 when Jeong Seon arrived in the Cheongdam valley with his disciple Kim Hee-sung(a.k.a. Bulyeomjae, 1723~1769) and met Hong Sang-han(1701~1769). It focuses on the valley flowing from Insubong peak to the village entrance. The title has a dual meaning, emphasizing "Cheongdam", a landscape feature that originated from the name of the area, while also referring to the whole scenery of the Cheongdam area. The technique of drastically brushing down(刷擦) wet pimajoon(hanging linen), the expression of soft horizontal points(米點), and the use of fine brush strokes reveal Jeong Seon's mature age. In particular, considering the contrast between the rock peak and the earthy mountain and symmetry of the numbers, the attempt to harmonize yin and yang sees it regarded as a unique Jingyeong painting(眞境術) that Jeong Seon, who was proficient in 『The Book of Changes』, presented at the final stage of his excursion. 「Cheongdamdongbugi」(Personal Anthology) of Eo Yu-bong(1673~1744) was referenced when Jeong Seon sought to understand and express the true scenery of Cheongdam and the physical properties of the main landscape features in the villa garden. The characteristics of this garden, which Jeong Seon clearly differentiated from the field, suppressed the view of water with transformed and exaggerated rocks(水口막이), elaborately creating a rain forest to cover the villa(裨補林), and adding new elements to help other landscape objects function. In addition, two trees were tilted to effectively close the garden like a gate, and an artificial mountain belt(造山帶), the boundary between the outer garden and the inner garden, was built solidly like a long fence connecting an interior azure dragon(內靑龍) and interior white tiger(內白虎). This is the Bibo-Yeomseung painting(裨補厭勝術) that Jeong Seon used to turn the poor location of the Cheongdam Byeol-eop into an auspicious site(明堂). It is interpreted as being devised to be a pungsu(feng shui) trick, and considered an iconographic embodiment of ideal traditional landscape architecture that was difficult to achieve in reality but which was possible through painting.

The Effects of Different Particle Sizes of Fused Phosphate on Paddy Rice (수도(水滔)에 대한 용성인비(熔成燐肥)의 입도별(粒度別) 비효에 관한 연구(硏究))

  • Uhm, Dae-Ick;So, Jae-Don;Chang, Young-Sun
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.10 no.4
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    • pp.245-256
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    • 1978
  • The effects of different particle size distribution of fused phosphate on the changes of phosphorus content in soil and plant, growth and yield of paddy rice were investigated through pot and field experiments. The following results were obtained. 1. Negative correlation was found between unhulled rice yield and the composition of fused phosphate whose particle size was larger than 28 mesh, and 65 to 150 mesh, and highly significant correlation was found between unhulled rice yield and the composition of fused phosphate whose particle size was 28 to 48 mesh. But no significant correlation was found betweeen unhulled rice yield and the composition of fused phosphate whose particle size was 48 to 65 mesh. Thus the composition of 56% of 28 to 48 mesh particles and 44% of 48 to 65 mesh particles would give the best effect. 2. In the soil of the Jeonbug series rice plant in the plots treated with fine single textured fused phosphate showed poor early growth, i.e. poor tillering and short plant height. But at harvesting stage it showed rather increased number of tillers and higher plant height. Of the composite fused phosphate the more particles of 28 to 48 mesh it had, the better growth it showed. In the soil of the Yesan series rice plant in the treated plots showed much better tillering and higher plant height in contrast with that in the control plots. Of the single textured fused phosphate the finer particles showed better growth, while of the composite fused phosphate the more particles finer than 48 mesh it had, the poorer the tillering. 3. The content of available phosphorus in the soil tended to increase as the particles of both single textured and composite phosphate became finer. The soil phosphorus content decreased as the content of phosphorus absorbed by rice plant increased at each stage of growth, and the amount of soil phophorus decreased became larger as the the particles were finer. The amount of available phosphorus in the treated soils was larger in the soil of the Yesan series than in the soil of the Jeonbug series which was a long cultivated soil and contained relatively high phosphorus. 4. In the single textured fused phosphate the amount of phosphorus absorbed by rice plant tended to increase as the particles were finer, and great difference was found at heading stage, but at harvesting stage little difference was found for all the plots. In the field experiment in the soil of the Jeonbug series more phosphorus was absorbed by rice plant in the plots treated with the composite fused phosphate of higher content of 28 to 48 mesh particles. In the pot experiment the amount of phosphorus absorbed by rice plant was highest in the plots treated with the composite fused phosphate of 53.35% of particles larger than 48 mesh and 46.6% of particles smaller than 48 mesh. In the pot experiment in the Yesan series the amount of absorbed phophorus was highest in the plots treated with the fused phosphate of 47.75% of particles larger than 48 mesh and 50. 216% of particles smaller than 48 mesh. 5. A reverse relationship was found between the absorbed phosphorus and silica. In the pot experiment in the soils of both the Jeonbug and Yesan series the amount of phosphorus absorbed by rice plant increased as the particles were finer, while the amount of absorbed silica tended to decrease.

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Studies on the growth of Korea Lawn Grass (Zoysia japonica Steud.)in Reponse to Nitrogen Application, Clipping Treatment and Plant Density (질소시용, 예초 및 재식밀도가 한국잔디(Zoysia Japonica Steud)의 생육에 미치는 영향)

  • Sim, Jae-Seong
    • The Journal of Natural Sciences
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    • v.1
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    • pp.61-113
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    • 1987
  • The increasing emphasis placed on the production of fine turf for lawns, golf courses, parks, and other recreational sites has led to many unsolved problems as to how such turf could be best established and mainteined. For this purpose, a series of experiments were conducted under con ditions of pot and field. The results obtained were as follows EXPERIMENT I. The effect of nitrogen fertilizer and clipping interval on Zoysia japonica. 1. Increasing the rate of nitrogen and frequent clipping increased tiller number of Zoysis japonica and the maximum number of tillers were obtained from 700 kg N application and freqnent clippings (10 days interval ) in October. Treatment of 350kg N with 10 days clipping interval increased tillers much more than those of 700 kgN with 20 and 30 days clipping intervals. 2. The average number of green leaves occurred during the growth period maximized by applying 700 kg N and clipping 10 days interval. 3. Increasing tiller numbers significantly decreased tops DM weight per tiller by clipping plants at interval of 10 and 20 days, irrespective of nitrogen applied, and with nil N, at the interval of 30 days. By applying 700 kg N, however, top DM weight per tiller increased as the number of tillers increased consistently. 4. The highest top DM weight was achieved from late August to early September by applying 350 and 700kgN. 5. During the growth period, differences in unders ( stolon + root ) DM weight occurred bynitrogen application were found between nil N and two applied nitrogen levels, whereas, at the same level of nitrogen applied, the increase in stolon DM weight enhanced by lengthening the clipping interval to 30 days. 6. Nitrogen efficiency to green leaves, stolon nodes and DM weight of root with high nitrogen was achieved as clipping interval was shortened. 7. By increasing fertilizer nitrogen rate applied, N content n the leaves and stems of Zoysiajaponica was increased. On the other hand, N content in root and stolon had little effect onfertilizer nitrogen, resulting in the lowest content among plant fractions. The largest content of N was recorded in leaves. Lengthening the clipping interval from 10 or 20 to 30 days tends to decrease the N content in the leaves and stems, whereas this trend did not appeared in stolon androot. 8. A positive correlations between N and K contents in tops and stolon were established andthus K content increased as N content in tops and stolon increased. Meanwhile, P content was not affected by N and clipping treatments. 9. Total soluble carbohydrate content in Zoysia japonica was largest in stolon and stem, and was reduced by increasing fertilizer nitrogen rate. Reduction in total soluble carbohydrate due to increased nitrogen rate was severer in the stolons and stems than in the leaves. 10. Increasing the rate of nitrogen applied increased the number of small and large vascular bundles in leaf blade, but shortened distance among the large vascular bundles. Shortening the clipping interval resulted in increase of the number of large vascular bundles but decrease ofdistance between large vascular bundles.EXPERIMENT II. Growth response of Zoysia japonica imposed by different plant densities. 1. Tiller numbers per unit area increased as plant density heightened. Differences in num ber between densities at higher densities than 120 D were of no significance. 2. Tiller numbers per clone attained by 110 days after transplanting were 126 at 40D,77 at 80D, 67 at 120D, 54 at 160D, and 41 at 200D. A decreasing trend of tiller numbers per clone with increasing density was noticable from 100 days after transplanting onwards. 3. During the growth period, the greatest number of green leaves per unit area were attainedin 90days after transplanting at 160D and 200D, and 100 days after transplanting at 40D, 80Dand 120D. Thus the period to reach the maximum green leaf number with the high plantdensity was likely to be earlier that with the low plant density. 4. Stolon growth up to 80 days after transplaning was relatively slow, but from 80 daysonwards, the growth quickened to range from 1.9 m/clone at 40D to 0.6m/clone at 200Din 200 days after transplanting, these followed by the stolon node produced. 5. Plant density did not affect stolon weight/clone and root weight/clone until 80 daysafter transplanting. 6. DM weight of root was heavier in the early period of growth than that of stolon, butthis trend was reversed in the late period of growth : DM weight of stolon was much higherthan that of root.EXPERIMENT Ill. Vegetative growth of Zoysia japonica and Zoysia matrella as affected by nitrogen and clipping height. 1. When no nitrogen was applied to Zoysia japonica, leaf blade which appeared during theAugust-early September period remained green for a perid of about 10 weeks and even leavesemerged in rate September lived for 42 days. However, leaf longevity did not exceed 8 weeks asnitrogen was applied. In contrast the leaf longevity of Zoysia matrella which emerged during the mid August-earlySeptember period was 11 weeks and, under the nitrogen applied, 9 weeks, indicating that thelife-spen of individual leaf of Zoysia matrella may be longer than that of Zoysia japorica. Clipping height had no effect on the leaf longevity in both grasses. 2. During the July-August period, tiller number, green leaf number and DM weightof Zoysia japonica were increased significantly with fertilizer nitrogen, but were not with twolevel of clipping height. This trend was reversed after late September ; no effect of nitrogen wasappeared. Instead, lax clipping increased tiller number, green leaf number and DM weight. Greenleaves stimulated by lax clipping resulted in the occurrance of more dead leaves in late October. 3. Among the stolons outgrown until early September, the primary stolon was not influencedby nitrogen and clipping treatments to produce only 2-3 stolons. However, 1st branch stoIon asaffected by nitrogen increased significantly, so most of stolons which occurred consisted of 1st branch stolons. 4. Until early September, stolon length obtained at nil nitrogen level was chiefly caused bythe primary stolons. By applying nitrogen, the primary stolons of Zoysia japonica waslonger than 1st branch stolons when severe clipping was involved and in turn, shorter than 1stbranch stolons when lax clipping was concerned. In Zoysia matrella, 1st branch stolons were muchlonger than the primary stolon when turf was clipped severely but in conditions of lax clippingthere was little difference in length between primary and 1st branch stolons. 5. Stolon nodes of both Zoysia japonica and Z. matrella were positively influenced by nit rogen, but no particular increase by imposing clipping height treatment was marked in Zoysiamatrella. Although the stolon of Zoysia japonica grew until late October, the growthstimulated by nitrogen was not so remarkable as to exceed that by nil N.

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Broadening the Understanding of Sixteenth-century Real Scenery Landscape Painting: Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion (16세기(十六世紀) 실경산수화(實景山水畫) 이해의 확장 : <경포대도(鏡浦臺圖)>, <총석정도(叢石亭圖)>를 중심으로)

  • Lee, Soomi
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.18-53
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    • 2019
  • The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.

Kim Eung-hwan's Official Excursion for Drawing Scenic Spots in 1788 and his Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains (1788년 김응환의 봉명사경과 《해악전도첩(海嶽全圖帖)》)

  • Oh, Dayun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.54-88
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    • 2019
  • The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains comprises sixty real scenery landscape paintings depicting Geumgangsan Mountain, the Haegeumgang River, and the eight scenic views of Gwandong regions, as well as fifty-one pieces of writing. It is a rare example in terms of its size and painting style. The paintings in this album, which are densely packed with natural features, follow the painting style of the Southern School yet employ crude and unconventional elements. In them, stones on the mountains are depicted both geometrically and three-dimensionally. Since 1973, parts of this album have been published in some exhibition catalogues. The entire album was opened to the public at the special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea" held at the National Museum of Korea in 2019. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains was attributed to Kim Eung-hwan (1742-1789) due to the signature on the final leaf of the album and the seal reading "Bokheon(painter's penname)" on the currently missing album leaf of Chilbodae Peaks. However, there is a strong possibility that this signature and seal may have been added later. This paper intends to reexamine the creator of this album based on a variety of related factors. In order to understand the production background of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, I investigated the eighteenth-century tradition of drawing scenic spots while travelling in which scenery of was depicted during private travels or official excursions. Jeong Seon(1676-1759), Sim Sa-jeong(1707-1769), Kim Yun-gyeom(1711-1775), Choe Buk(1712-after 1786), and Kang Se-hwang(1713-1791) all went on a journey to Geumgangsan Mountain, the most famous travel destination in the late Joseon period, and created paintings of the mountain, including Album of Pungak Mountain in the Sinmyo Year(1711) by Jeong Seon. These painters presented their versions of the traditional scenic spots of Inner Geumgangsan and newly depicted vistas they discovered for themselves. To commemorate their private visits, they produced paintings for their fellow travelers or sponsors in an album format that could include several scenes. While the production of paintings of private travels to Geumgangsan Mountain increased, King Jeongjo(r. 1776-1800) ordered Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do, court painters at the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), to paint scenic spots in the nine counties of the Yeongdong region and around Geumgangsan Mountain. King Jeongjo selected these two as the painters for the official excursion taking into account their relationship, their administrative experience as regional officials, and their distinct painting styles. Starting in the reign of King Yeongjo(r. 1724-1776), Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do served as court painters at the Dohwaseo, maintained a close relationship as a senior and a junior and as colleagues, and served as chalbang(chief in large of post stations) in the Yeongnam region. While Kim Hong-do was proficient at applying soft and delicate brushstrokes, Kim Eung-hwan was skilled at depicting the beauty of robust and luxuriant landscapes. Both painters produced about 100 scenes of original drawings over fifty days of the official excursion. Based on these original drawings, they created around seventy album leaves or handscrolls. Their paintings enriched the tradition of depicting scenic spots, particularly Outer Inner Geumgang and the eight scenic views of Gwandong around Geumgangsan Mountain during private journeys in the eighteenth century. Moreover, they newly discovered places of scenic beauty in the Outer Geungang and Yeongdong regions, establishing them as new painting themes. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains consists of four volumes. The volumes I, II include twenty-nine paintings of Inner Geumgangsan; the volume III, seventeen scenes of Outer Geumgangsan; and the volume IV, fourteen images of Maritime Geumgangsan and the eight scenic views of Gwandong. These paintings produced on silk show crowded compositions, geometrical depictions of the stones and the mountains, and distinct presentation of the rocky peaks of Geumgangsan Mountain using white and grayish-blue pigments. This album reflects the Joseon painting style of the mid- and late eighteenth century, integrating influences from Jeong Seon, Kang Se-hwang, Sim Sa-jeong, Jeong Chung-yeop(1725-after 1800), and Kim Hong-do. In particular, some paintings in the album show similarities to Kim Hong-do's Album of Famous Mountains in Korea in terms of its compositions and painterly motifs. However, "Yeongrangho Lake," "Haesanjeong Pavilion," and "Wolsongjeong Pavilion" in Kim Eung-hwan's album differ from in the version by Kim Hong-do. Thus, Kim Eung-hwan was influenced by Kim Hong-do, but produced his own distinctive album. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains includes scenery of "Jaundam Pool," "Baegundae Peak," "Viewing Birobong Peak at Anmunjeom groove," and "Baekjeongbong Peak," all of which are not depicted in other albums. In his version, Kim Eung-hwan portrayed the characteristics of the natural features in each scenic spot in a detailed and refreshing manner. Moreover, he illustrated stones on the mountains using geometric shapes and added a sense of three-dimensionality using lines and planes. Based on the painting traditions of the Southern School, he established his own characteristics. He also turned natural features into triangular or rectangular chunks. All sixty paintings in this album appear rough and unconventional, but maintain their internal consistency. Each of the fifty-one writings included in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains is followed by a painting of a scenic spot. It explains the depicted landscape, thus helping viewers to understand and appreciate the painting. Intimately linked to each painting, the related text notes information on traveling from one scenic spot to the next, the origins of the place names, geographic features, and other related information. Such encyclopedic documentation began in the early nineteenth century and was common in painting albums of Geumgangsan Mountain in the mid- nineteenth century. The text following the painting of Baekhwaam Hermitage in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains documents the reconstruction of the Baekhwaam Hermitage in 1845, which provides crucial evidence for dating the text. Therefore, the owner of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains might have written the texts or asked someone else to transcribe them in the mid- or late nineteenth century. In this paper, I have inferred the producer of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains to be Kim Eung-hwan based on the painting style and the tradition of drawing scenic spots during official trips. Moreover, its affinity with the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain created by Kim Ha-jong(1793-after 1878) after 1865 is another decisive factor in attributing the album to Kim Eung-hwan. In contrast to the Album of Famous Mountains in Korea by Kim Hong-do, the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains exerted only a minor influence on other painters. The Handscroll of Pungak Mountain by Kim Ha-jong is the sole example that employs the subject matter from the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains and follows its painting style. In the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain, Kim Ha-jong demonstrated a painting style completely different from that in the Album of Seas and Mountains that he produced fifty years prior in 1816 for Yi Gwang-mun, the magistrate of Chuncheon. He emphasized the idea of "scholar thoughts" by following the compositions, painterly elements, and depictions of figures in the painting manual style from Kim Eung-hwan's Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains. Kim Ha-jong, a member of the Gaeseong Kim clan and the eldest grandson of Kim Eung-hwan, is presumed to have appreciated the paintings depicted in the nature of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, which had been passed down within the family, and newly transformed them. Furthermore, the contents and narrative styles of Yi Yu-won's writings attached to the paintings in the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain are similar to those of the fifty-one writings in Kim Eunghwan's album. This suggests a possible influence of the inscriptions in Kim Eung-hwan's album or the original texts from which these inscriptions were quoted upon the writings in Kim Ha-jong's handscroll. However, a closer examination will be needed to determine the order of the transcription of the writings. The Album of Complete View of Seas and Mountains differs from Kim Hong-do's paintings of his official trips and other painting albums he influenced. This album is a siginificant artwork in that it broadens the understanding of the art world of Kim Eung-hwan and illustrates another layer of real scenery landscape paintings in the late eighteenth century.