• The Korean Nurse
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.6-10
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• 1994

• Korean Journal of Family Social Work
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• no.57
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• pp.183-215
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• 2017

This study analyzes Korean childcare policy from a caring democracy perspective by using the normative policy analysis method. In the midst of emergent new social risks engendered by low fertility and aging population, feminist scholars proposed a transformative paradigm shift from economic growth to caring oriented development on a macro scale but researches on how this grand principle can be reflected into each policy have hardly been discussed. Thus, this study intends to contribute to such policy-driven discussion by analysing childcare policy on the basis of three normative values of freedom, equality and justice re-interpreted by caring democracy theory. Following are key findings. First, childcare policy does not guarantee public value and social solidarity due to the limitations of free choice from the perspective of freedom. Secondly, gender and class stratification has been worsened in a multiple and more complicated way by adding generational and racial dimensions to the existing gender inequality and vicious circulation of private care is observed from equality perspective. Thirdly, structural inequality aggravated injustice previously accumulated in the past rather than providing flat ground by adjustment.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.137-170
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• 2002

The present paper reviews the development of democracy in the West and Korea. The first part of the paper provide a cultural framework for understanding the development of democracy in West and Korea. In the second part of the paper, an empirical study conducted in Korea will be presented. A survey questionnaire was developed to assess respondents' conception of political participation, political efficacy, trust, leadership, and social relations and it has been administered to national stratified sample in Korea (n=1,000). The results indicate that Korean respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy, such as the right to vote, participate in political organization, freedom of speech, and criticize government. At the same time, Korean respondents supported collective values, such as harmonious family life, harmonious social relations, and governmental welfare programs. Although Koreans trusted close ingroup members, such as family members and friends, they were less likely to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and were not likely to trust political and governmental institutions. Moreover, Korean respondents showed a low degree of political participation and efficacy and a high degree of political alienation. As for leadership, Koreans preferred moral and strong leaders. The overall results indicate that in Korea, although the basic ideals of democracy are valued, the method of implementing these ideals is different from the West. Detailed analysis of the results and implications of the study will be presented.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.52
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• pp.11-40
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• 2017

This study analyzed individual-level and country-level factors affecting justification of domestic violence amid emerging social significance of family violence. For individual-level variables, prejudice against women in economic and social roles were used from the World Value Survey data. As for country-level variables, total of 36 countries were analyzed with indices that represents gender equality such as women's employment rate and democracy index. Women's employment rate was gathered from the Labour Market Database of the World Bank and democracy index was from the Economist Intelligence Unit. Results showed that both individual-level, prejudice against women in economic and social roles and country-level variables such as women's employment rate and democracy index had significant effects on justification of domestic violence. This result implies the importance of creating positive social culture which promotes positive attitudes towards perceptions of gender role and gender equality. As well, country-level endeavors to raise gender equality in employment deem important. Based on these findings, policy implications and recommendations for future research were discussed.

• Human Ecology Research
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• v.58 no.3
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• pp.315-331
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• 2020

This study clarifies the definition of and to provides guidelines on educational objectives, core concepts, and content in developing a Human Rights Education Program for families. The Delphi survey method was used to develop a Human Rights Education Program for families. As a result, a Human Rights Education Program for families was defined as education that would ensure all members of the family enjoy universal human rights without discrimination. In addition, that the prejudice and discrimination against socially marginalized would not be created within the family by learning values and attitudes that respects human rights and freedom. The objectives were to learn the merit of respecting individuals, relationships, and community. Core concepts of the program were the rights for myself and others, communicating and responsibilities and a sense of citizenship. Content included human rights, respect of oneself and others, empathetic understanding, acceptance, communication in an intimate relationship, conflict management, sharing the role of caring the family, no discrimination against the socially marginalized, and creating an inclusive community culture. This study can be used as a guideline for family human rights education based on family human rights, which is the core of family democracy.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.331-344
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• 2004

Korean society recently realized the needs for a system that may effectively prevent and/or resolve different family problems caused by the rapidly changing modem society. In order to carry out this objectives. The Healthy Family Act has been legislated and is to be enforced from the 1st of January, 2005. Legislating the law is a means to establish an administrative and institutional structure that may bring in the total welfare system centered around family, so as to promote healthy families in our society. This is also a land marking event that has shifted the paradigm from the welfare system focusing on individual protection to the total welfare system based upon family units. Hence, this study is to examine the specific concepts of 'healthy family,' which is the goal of The Healthy Family Act, and thus to propose the objectives of the law by analysing the institutional system of it. The Healthy Family Act, which consists of major 37 items of 5 chapters with supplementary provisions, aims at the five ideals as follows. The first is to promote the healthy family which is the basis of individual welfare and well-to-do society. The second is to emphasize the importance of family and to provide total service system for family unit. The third is to establish the family value which supports gender-equality and democracy. The fourth is to reinforce the governmental support for independence and cooperation of family. And the fifth is to promote the in-advance and precautionary support for family problems. The law also includes administrative methods for Strong Families Center, different projects and programs for promoting healthy families, roles of Healthy Family Specialist and means to cultivating them, and the policies to specifically carry out the ideas of the law. It is now important to recognize that the development of nation is based on the healthy families and to put much effort in carrying out the ideas and goals of The Healthy Family Act.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.73
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• pp.93-115
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to explore implications for intergenerational Christian education in Korean churches and families that struggle with "generational fragmentations" focusing on the conception of reciprocity and participation. For the faith community in Korea, "generational fragmentations" does not merely mean communication gaps or the disconnection between generations but also the absence of reciprocity and communal participation as a genuine intergenerational community of faith. With this phenomenon in mind, this study explores the concept of "intergenerationality" in education, focusing on reciprocity and participation. Next, this study examines the concepts of reciprocity and participation found in John Dewey's seminal works, Democracy and Education and Experience and Education based on his ideas of democracy and experience in relation to intergenerational Christian education for the Korean church and families. The present paper then attempts to find implications for intergenerational Christian education in the Korean church and family, showing the importance of an intergenerational community of faith with reciprocity and communal participation, and communal spiritual journey with children and adults.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.11 no.9
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• pp.3296-3303
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• 2010

This study attempted to identify the strategic factors of conflict management in making decisions of family travel by age focusing on the different conflicts occurred in the family travel currently in Korea. by doing this, it tried to provide the basic data that can draw out constant participation, higher involvement and commitment by identifying the strategies for conflict management centering around not only tourism studies of tourist psychology and behavior but also the strategic variables of conflict management in terms of the promotion of tourism industry. To examine the result of this study, first, it was found that in all age groups, strategies of compromise and moderation strategy to meet the needs of surrounding people and the person him/herself were used as a strategic plan for conflict management between decision-makers and conflicting groups. Second, it was analyzed that when a conflict is caused, from order to negotiation strategies; from authority to democratic strategy, they turned out to make efforts to solve the conflicts occurred during family travel by collecting the opinions of the surrounding people; tune the opinions; and make decisions by majority. Lastly, it was found that they turned out to make efforts to ease the conflicts caused during family travel through active problem-solving regarding internal/interpersonal/structural restriction factors.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.2
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• pp.265-284
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• 2011

This paper examines how Sedgwick makes a political allegory of founding the nation in domestic terms in The Linwoods (1835). Set in the Revolutionary period, The Linwoods is a historical fiction reconstructed by the writer in order to diagnose currently controversial issues. In this aspect, Sedgwick's interest in history is genealogical in Foucaudian sense. Foucault's genealogical method provides a way of recuperating a part of history hidden, submerged, obliterated by the official history. Seen in a genealogical perspective, the story of the Linwoods can be viewed as a political allegory in order to explore political conflicts of Sedgwick's own day. Faced with the threat of national disunion presented in the Nullification Crisis of sectional conflicts and divisions, Sedgwick attempts to provide a fictional solution to the first serious challenge to the U. S. Constitution. Going back to the times around the American Revolution, Sedgwick emphasizes how strenuously the American Constitution of America was formed as the outcome of the war against the tyranny of Britain, and how the Union was made on the basis of the cooperation between the States. By posing a contrast of political positions between family members, Sedgwick imagines a family/nation that allows diverse political positions. The conclusion of a diversity of marriages between man and woman who agree to be united after overcoming their differences in political affiliations seems to show her conservative proclivity to support the Union. However, by emphasizing the principles of freedom and equality represented by the significant role of Isabella and Rose, an African-American slave, in the victory of the American Revolution, Sedgwick also supports the spirit of the Jacksonian American democracy.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.1-56
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• 2009

It is generally acknowledged that Philippines politics has achieved a basic soil for democracy at the macro-level by the two incidents of 'People Power' (1986 & 2001). However, in spite of such an achievement, Philippine politics at the micro-level, does not enjoy the same reputation. Institutionalized 'Bossism' or 'patron/clientelism' political culture has been attributed to make such a gap. This paper aims to bridge the gap by a longitudinal observation on local politics of a particular province in the Philippines. Surigao del Norte is the province picked up for the study. The reason why this particular province attracts special concerns is that there appears to come a very dynamic local politics, led by an indigenous Christian organization, the PBMA (Philippines Benevolent Missionary Association), which was founded in the mid 1960s. With the coming of the organization in the province, the political power of the traditional families has been narrowed. On the other hand, new families, not only the leader family of the PBMA but also the family allied with the PBMA, has expanded political influence. Following steps are adopted to understand the meaning of such a change. First, institutional frame of Philippine politics and elections will be reviewed. Second, demographic changes will be investigated on Surigao del Norte province to find out how popular the PBMA organization is among the people. Third, local election outcomes will be examined to describe the changing nature of political landscape of the province. This will reveal how the relationship between the old and new families has been developed in the province. Lastly, based on the facts discovered by a longitudinal observation, an attempt to evaluate theories on Philippines politics will be made Conclusions are as follows. To understand the dynamics of Philippine politics, 'expectations from the below,' or, 'passions of the people,' suggested by Ileto, needs more attention. Furthermore, 'mutual accommodation' between domination and resistance, coined by Abinales, also demands more appreciation. The case of local politics in the Surigao del Norte, with the coming of the PBMA, is sure to show a concrete example of changing politics in the 'changeless land.'