• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.3
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• pp.391-411
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• 2011

This paper examines Du Boisian critique of American exceptionalism through a close textual analysis of his writings from early essays to later works. As an attempt to respond to the persistent grip American exceptionalism has on both the academia and the intellectual world at large, this paper tries to fill in the gaps within the discourse of American exceptionalism by exploring the works of one of the most towering American intellectual figures, and suggests that the discourse of American exceptionalism has remained within the purview of white scholars. Although at times inconsistent and contradictory, Du Bois's trenchant critique of American civilization and Western imperialism deconstructs the original ideals of America, creating more than a fissure in the ideology/hegemony/state fantasy of American exceptionalism. I argue that Du Boisian critique of American exceptionalism shows its violent marginalization and racialization based on white supremacy. Du Boisian critique should be a cautionary tale for those scholars who talk of "reform" or "replenishment" or even who occlude the possibility that American exceptionalism has not always functioned as a "state fantasy" by assuming its absolute blinding powers.

• American Studies
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.155-182
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• 2021

This study explores how American war films modify or reenact American exceptionalism depending on political and social situations in the United States. To this end, it analyzes the two war films, Saving Private Ryan and We Were Soldiers that were released before and after the 9/11 attacks as a critical juncture in the twenty first century, respectively. While the former conducts a partial modification on American exceptionalism in order to restore the national identity and moral authority of the United States lost ever since the Vietnam War, the latter demonstrates a complete reenactment of American exceptionalism in accordance with the foreign policy of the Bush administration and neoconservatism. It concludes with the illumination that the examination of American war films within the framework of American exceptionalism is efficacious in understanding from a broad perspective how American exceptionalism is utilized depending on political and social situations in the United States.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.59-85
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• 2014

This study aims to highlight the social aspects of genetic discrimination as another shadow that biotechnology can influence on social life. To do so, the definition of "genetic discrimination" and three perspectives (exceptionalism, expressivism, and human right discourse) were reviewed. In addition, the Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act (GINA) of the United States and the Bioethics and Safety Act of Korea were analyzed. Several social implications for establishing the research and policies of genetic discrimination based on the existing research results of perceived genetic discrimination (the experiences, fears, and coping strategies of genetic discrimination) were suggested. These included public consensus on the definition of genetic discrimination and emphasis on a human rights approach against genetic discrimination; concerns regarding genetic discrimination in both the personal and public domains; raising the consciousness of both health care providers and the public regarding genetic discrimination; and developing psycho-social coping strategies for decreasing the fear of discrimination of asymptomatic people (hereditary carriers).

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.25
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• pp.55-85
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• 2011

Many States such as Arizona, Texas, New Mexico, Colorado, California, New Mexico, Florida were obtained either from Spanish Empire or from Mexico. In 1848 due to the Guadalupe-Hidalgo treaty America could obtain half of the original territory of Mexico. American identity cannot be understood without the history of American expansionism further consolidated by the Spanish-American War in 1898, which brought other ex-Spanish colonies such as Guam, Puerto Rico, the Philippines to the US. The US's interest in these territories dates back to the Monroe doctrine in 1823 when Monroe "declared the Americas off-limits to any new European colonization." America justifies their expansion based on the notion of Manifest Destiny which was created by O'Sullivan at the hight of American fever to annex Texas to US. The intent of this paper is to study how Anglo-Saxon and Latin Culture clashed against each other especially right before and after the Spanish-American War. In this study the American hero, Theodore Roosevelt and Latin American hero, $Jos{\acute{e}}$ Martí will be compared, though they did not meet each other during the Spanish-American war due to Marti's early death in 1895 at the battle for the Cuba Libre. Their comparison is significant in that the former represents the American expansionist spirit and the latter the spirit of Anti-imperialism and Anti-Anglocentrism. Along with the concept of Manifest Destiny of America, 'American exceptionalism' is also mentioned which motivates U.S. to expand further even after the Spanish-American war in the form of 'informal imperialism' characterized by 'gunboat politics'of the US. These discussions will draw attention to how recent theorists such as Bryce Traister criticizes the Border Theory represented by $Jos{\acute{e}}$ David Saldívar. Here the Border Theory is criticized to repeat the discourse of the globalized capitalism which prefers the weak state and the transnational aspects by focusing on the in-betweenness of the border. In the end the paper will focus on how the Border theory as represented by Saldivar is political enough and sets up a resistant example against American expansionism of today in its focus on the call for pan-American and pluri-versal subjectivity of the borderlands. This point will be supported by a discussion of how Saldivar's view is confirmed by Walter Mignolo who advocates the "bottom up" resistance of the indigenous people of Chiapas and other social forums such as World Social Forum and the Social Forum of the Americas derived from the Zapatistas' movement whose motto is "A World in which many world co-exist."

• Journal of the Korean Medical Association
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• v.61 no.12
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• pp.765-775
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• 2018

With growing interest in novel digital healthcare devices, such as artificial intelligence (AI) software for medical diagnosis and prediction, and their potential impacts on healthcare, discussions have taken place regarding the regulatory approval, coverage, and clinical implementation of these devices. Despite their potential, 'digital exceptionalism' (i.e., skipping the rigorous clinical validation of such digital tools) is creating significant concerns for patients and healthcare stakeholders. This white paper presents the positions of the Korean Society of Radiology, a leader in medical imaging and digital medicine, on the clinical validation, regulatory approval, coverage decisions, and clinical implementation of novel digital healthcare devices, especially AI software for medical diagnosis and prediction, and explains the scientific principles underlying those positions. Mere regulatory approval by the Food and Drug Administration of Korea, the United States, or other countries should be distinguished from coverage decisions and widespread clinical implementation, as regulatory approval only indicates that a digital tool is allowed for use in patients, not that the device is beneficial or recommended for patient care. Coverage or widespread clinical adoption of AI software tools should require a thorough clinical validation of safety, high accuracy proven by robust external validation, documented benefits for patient outcomes, and cost-effectiveness. The Korean Society of Radiology puts patients first when considering novel digital healthcare tools, and as an impartial professional organization that follows scientific principles and evidence, strives to provide correct information to the public, make reasonable policy suggestions, and build collaborative partnerships with industry and government for the good of our patients.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.79-110
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• 2023

The purpose of this research is to explore the relation between Brexit and division in various areas within the British society. This research can lead to understanding how division of the British society and the decision of Brexit was mutually influenced. The UK's withdrawal from the EU has been explained mainly through the relations between the EU and the UK; therefore, issues of immigration, EU regulation, and the UK's EU rebate are considered as major reasons. In addition, 'British identity' or 'British exceptionalism' existing in the British society and politics for a long time has been regarded as a reason for Brexit. Although it is generally accepted that Brexit results in the division in the British society, the reasons mentioned above have limitation to explain the result of referendum and the division of the British society in the post-Brexit era. In this sense, this research explores the division in various areas - generation, social grade including income and education level, value and region, etc. - revealed in the British society is not the result of Brexit; rather, this research argues division deeply rooted in the British society before referendum is the root cause of Brexit. The division in various areas immanent in the British society for a long time is complicatedly intertwined, and the decision on Brexit by referendum has led to solidifying the division of the British society. Having considered this division in the British society has been expanded to rancour, it is necessary for the UK to establish appropriate policies for national cohesion.