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Antioxidant and Antibacterial Activities of Glycyrrhiza uralensis Fisher (Jecheon, Korea) Extracts Obtained by various Extract Conditions (한국 제천 감초(Glycyrrhiza uralensis Fisher)의 추출 조건별 추출물의 항산화 및 항균 활성 평가)

  • Ha, Ji Hoon;Jeong, Yoon Ju;Seong, Joon Seob;Kim, Kyoung Mi;Kim, A Young;Fu, Min Min;Suh, Ji Young;Lee, Nan Hee;Park, Jino;Park, Soo Nam
    • Journal of the Society of Cosmetic Scientists of Korea
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    • v.41 no.4
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    • pp.361-373
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    • 2015
  • This study was carried out to evaluate the antioxidant and antibacterial activities of Glycyrriza uralensis Fisher (Jecheon, Korea) extracts obtained by various extraction conditions (85% ethanol, heating temperatures and times), and to establish the optimal extraction condition of G. uralensis for the application as cosmetic ingredients. The extracts obtained under different conditions were concentrated and made in the powdered (sample-1) and were the crude extract solutions without concentration (sample-2). The antioxidant effects were determined by free radical scavenging activity ($FSC_{50}$), ROS scavenging activity ($OSC_{50}$), and cellular protective effects. Antibacterial activity was determined by minimum inhibitory concentration (MIC) on human skin flora. DPPH free radical scavenging activity of sample-1 ($100{\mu}g/mL$) was 10% higher in group extracted for 6 h than 12 h, but sample-2 didn't show any significant differences. The extraction yield extracted with same temperature for 12 h was 2.6 times higher than 6 h, but total flavonoid content was 1.1 times higher. These results indicated that total flavonoid content hardly increased with increasing extraction time. Free radical scavenging activity, ROS scavenging activity and cellular protective effects were not dependent on the yield of extraction, but total flavonoid content of extraction. Antibacterial activity on three skin flora (S. aureus, B. subtilis, P. acnes)of sample-1 in different extraction conditions were evaluated on same concentration, and the group extracted at 25 and $40^{\circ}C$ showed 16 times higher than methyl paraben ($2,500{\mu}g/mL$). In conclusion, 85% ethanol extracts of G. uralensis extracted at $40^{\circ}C$ for 6 h showed the highest antioxidant and antibacterial activity. These results indicate that the extraction condition is important to be optimized by comprehensive evaluation of extraction yield with various conditions, yield of active component, and activity test with concentrations, and activity of 100% extract, for manufacturing process of products.

The Characteristics and Significance of 'Wanpan Changgeuk' Written by Heogyu (허규 연출 '완판 창극'의 특징과 의의)

  • Kim, Kee-hyung
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.20
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    • pp.5-30
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    • 2010
  • It has been diversified and serious attempt to establish the identity of Changgeuk, but it is still independent dramaturgy or the current unformed progressive art. In this situation, exploring works of the identity of changgeuk that is base on the performed individual and specific works in the title of Changgeuk is needed. The 80s and 90s Heo, Gyu was leading an active life as a director who was responsible for directing of Changgeuk. He dramatized Siljeon Pansori -which is a group of Pansori missing text- as well as 5-remained Songs in Pansori and he presented a number of creative Changgeuk works on stage. Especially, the completion of dramatizing 5-remained Songs in Pansori under the name of 'Wanpan Changgeuk -which means full version performance without omit-' is the one of his big achievement by performing "Heungbojeon" on the stage 1982 and "Jeokbyeokga" 1985. The purposes of this research are confirmation of Heo's direction of the formulation and considering its characteristics & significance through 'Wanpan Changgeuk' which written by Heo. Heo was a practical play who was interested in the subjective formulation of national culture and creative transmission for Korean traditional performance. He tried to formulate Changgeuk to a representative performance of Korea. In the process he pointed out those problems, (1) interpretation of a work problem, (2) actor's creative problems, (3) structure problem of theater for Changgeuk. He indicated that the other challenges are to use of the stage & device, to overcome sentimentalism, to stylize acting, to improve own quality, to control the speed and length of the song, to choose the suitable musical accompaniment, to create new repertories problems, and etc. Changgeuk is classified in 3 group by origin, (1)dramatizing of 5-remained Songs, (2)dramatizing of 7-missing Songs, (3)creative dramatizing. It contains all of 3 types that Heo's work. The dramatizing of remained 5 Songs are the great importance among those works. Heo hoped that Chaggeuk has become the most representative art work of Korea by performing 'Wanpan Changgeuk' compiled heritage of Korea's outstanding artistic achievement. The characteristics of 'Wanpan Changgeuk' can be summarized following four. (1) Directing attitudes that emphasizes tradition, (2) Accepting the elements of traditional performance actively, (3) Valuing the classy and ethic, (4) Emphasizing humor and active utilizing of the secondary characters. Heo's 'Wanpan Changgeuk' shows a peak of the artistic level which Changgeuk can be reached. He want to make Changgeuk a Korean representative artistic performance by compiling Pansori heritage and accommodating Korean traditional performance. Heo continued his effort to present Pansori's authenticity and to dramatize from beginning to end without missing. It shows very well that 'Wanpan Changgeuk' takes 4~5 hours for playing. It looks Heo's achievement in the 'Wanpan Changgeuk' influenced Changgeuk significantly since then. Heo's 'Wanpan Changgeuk' is matrix of 'Wanpan JangMak Changgeuk' attempted in the 1990s. Especially, their intent is consistent to synthesize texts and to show all the virtue of Pansori. But 90's 'Wanpan JangMak Changgeuk' aim for large stage, fancy device & costume and variety contents compared with 'Wanpan Changgeuk'. Recently, producers have tried not to make a impressive Changgeuk but to make a interesting one. They usually organize performance within 2 hours and prefer orchestral music to its unique sound. In those point of view, it seems that Heo's idle in 'Wanpan Changgeuk' has become one of target to conquer in these days.

Development of Analytical Method for Detection of Fungicide Validamycin A Residues in Agricultural Products Using LC-MS/MS (LC-MS/MS를 이용한 농산물 중 살균제 Validamycin A의 시험법 개발)

  • Park, Ji-Su;Do, Jung-Ah;Lee, Han Sol;Park, Shin-min;Cho, Sung Min;Shin, Hye-Sun;Jang, Dong Eun;Cho, Myong-Shik;Jung, Yong-hyun;Lee, Kangbong
    • Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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    • v.34 no.1
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    • pp.22-29
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    • 2019
  • Validamycin A is an aminoglycoside fungicide produced by Streptomyces hygroscopicus that inhibits trehalase. The purpose of this study was to develop a method for detecting validamycin A in agricultural samples to establish MRL values for use in Korea. The validamycin A residues in samples were extracted using methanol/water (50/50, v/v) and purified with a hydrophilic-lipophilic balance (HLB) cartridges. The analyte was quantified and confirmed by liquid chromatograph-tandem mass spectrometer (LC-MS/MS) in positive ion mode using multiple reaction monitoring (MRM). Matrix-matched calibration curves were linear over the calibration ranges (0.005~0.5 ng) into a blank extract with $R^2$ > 0.99. The limits of detection and quantification were 0.005 and 0.01 mg/kg, respectively. For validation validamycin A, recovery studies were carried out three different concentration levels (LOQ, $LOQ{\times}10$, $LOQ{\times}50$, n = 5) with five replicates at each level. The average recovery range was from 72.5~118.3%, with relative standard deviation (RSD) less than 10.3%. All values were consistent with the criteria ranges requested in the Codex guidelines (CAC/GL 40-1993, 2003) and the NIFDS (National Institute of Food and Drug Safety) guideline (2016). Therefore, the proposed analytical method is accurate, effective and sensitive for validamycin A determination in agricultural commodities.

Animal Infectious Diseases Prevention through Big Data and Deep Learning (빅데이터와 딥러닝을 활용한 동물 감염병 확산 차단)

  • Kim, Sung Hyun;Choi, Joon Ki;Kim, Jae Seok;Jang, Ah Reum;Lee, Jae Ho;Cha, Kyung Jin;Lee, Sang Won
    • Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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    • v.24 no.4
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    • pp.137-154
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    • 2018
  • Animal infectious diseases, such as avian influenza and foot and mouth disease, occur almost every year and cause huge economic and social damage to the country. In order to prevent this, the anti-quarantine authorities have tried various human and material endeavors, but the infectious diseases have continued to occur. Avian influenza is known to be developed in 1878 and it rose as a national issue due to its high lethality. Food and mouth disease is considered as most critical animal infectious disease internationally. In a nation where this disease has not been spread, food and mouth disease is recognized as economic disease or political disease because it restricts international trade by making it complex to import processed and non-processed live stock, and also quarantine is costly. In a society where whole nation is connected by zone of life, there is no way to prevent the spread of infectious disease fully. Hence, there is a need to be aware of occurrence of the disease and to take action before it is distributed. Epidemiological investigation on definite diagnosis target is implemented and measures are taken to prevent the spread of disease according to the investigation results, simultaneously with the confirmation of both human infectious disease and animal infectious disease. The foundation of epidemiological investigation is figuring out to where one has been, and whom he or she has met. In a data perspective, this can be defined as an action taken to predict the cause of disease outbreak, outbreak location, and future infection, by collecting and analyzing geographic data and relation data. Recently, an attempt has been made to develop a prediction model of infectious disease by using Big Data and deep learning technology, but there is no active research on model building studies and case reports. KT and the Ministry of Science and ICT have been carrying out big data projects since 2014 as part of national R &D projects to analyze and predict the route of livestock related vehicles. To prevent animal infectious diseases, the researchers first developed a prediction model based on a regression analysis using vehicle movement data. After that, more accurate prediction model was constructed using machine learning algorithms such as Logistic Regression, Lasso, Support Vector Machine and Random Forest. In particular, the prediction model for 2017 added the risk of diffusion to the facilities, and the performance of the model was improved by considering the hyper-parameters of the modeling in various ways. Confusion Matrix and ROC Curve show that the model constructed in 2017 is superior to the machine learning model. The difference between the2016 model and the 2017 model is that visiting information on facilities such as feed factory and slaughter house, and information on bird livestock, which was limited to chicken and duck but now expanded to goose and quail, has been used for analysis in the later model. In addition, an explanation of the results was added to help the authorities in making decisions and to establish a basis for persuading stakeholders in 2017. This study reports an animal infectious disease prevention system which is constructed on the basis of hazardous vehicle movement, farm and environment Big Data. The significance of this study is that it describes the evolution process of the prediction model using Big Data which is used in the field and the model is expected to be more complete if the form of viruses is put into consideration. This will contribute to data utilization and analysis model development in related field. In addition, we expect that the system constructed in this study will provide more preventive and effective prevention.

Formative Stages of Establishing Royal Tombs Steles and Kings' Calligraphic Tombstones in Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 능비(陵碑)의 건립과 어필비(御筆碑)의 등장)

  • Hwang, Jung Yon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.4
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    • pp.20-49
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    • 2009
  • This paper explores the Korean royal tombs steles such as monumental steles and tombstone marks (神道碑, 表石) that are broadly fallen into the following three periods ; the 15~16th centuries, 17th~18th centuries, and 19th century. As a result, the royal tombs steles were built, unlike the private custom, on the heirs to the King's intentions. During the 15~17th centuries the construction and reconstruction of the monumental steles took place. In the late Joseon period, monumental steles had been replaced with a number of tombstone marks were built to appeal to the king's calligraphy carved on stone for the first time. During the Great Empire Han(大韓帝國) when the Joseon state was upgraded the empire, Emperors Gojong and Sunjong devoted to honor ancestors by rebuilding royal tombstone mark. Based on these periodical trends, it would not be exaggerated that the history of establishing the royal tombs steles formed in late Joseon. The type of royal tombs monuments originated from those of the Three Kingdoms era, a shapeless form, the new stele type of the Tang Dynasty (唐碑) has influenced on the building of monuments of the Unified Silla and Buddhist honorable monuments (塔碑) of the Goryeo Dynasty. From the 15th century, successive kings have wished to express the predecessors's achievements, nevertheless, the officials opposed it because the affairs of the King legacy (國史) were all recorded, so there is no need to establish the tombs steles. Although its lack of quantity, each Heonneung and Jereung monumental steles rebuilt in 1695 and 1744 respectively, is valuable to show the royal sculpture of the late Joseon period. Since the 15th century, the construction of the royal tombs monumental steles has been interrupted, the tombstone marks (boulders) with simpler format began to be erected within the tomb precincts. The Yeoneung tombstone mark(寧陵表石), built in 1682, shows the first magnificent scale and delicate sculpture technique. Many tombstone marks were erected since the 1740s on a large scale, largely caused by King Yeongjo's announce to the honorific business for the predecessors. Thanks to King Yeongjo's such appealing effort, over 20 pieces of tombstone marks were established during his reign. The fact that his handwritten calligraphic works first carved on tombstones was a remarkable phenomenon had never been appeared before. Since the 18th century, a double-slab high above the roof(加?石) and rectangular basement of the stele have been accepted as a typical format of the tombstone marks. In front of the stele, generally seal script calligraphic works after a Tang dynasty calligrapher Li Yangbing(李陽氷)'s brushwork were engraved. In 1897 when King Gojong declared the Empire, these tombstone marks were once again produced in large amounts. Because he tried to find the legitimacy of the Empire in the history of the Joseon dynasty and its four founding fathers in creating the monuments both of the front and back sides by carving his in-person-calligraphy as a ruler representing his symbolic authority. The tombstone marks made during this period, show an abstract sculpture features with the awkward techniques, and long and slim strokes. As mentioned above, the construction of monumental steles and tombstone marks is a historical and remarkable phenonenon to reveal the royal funeral custom, sculpture techniques, and successive kings' efforts to honor the royal predecessors.

Collision of New and Old Control Ideologies, Witnessed through the Moving of Jeong-regun (Tomb of Queen Sindeok) and Repair of Gwangtong-gyo (정릉(貞陵) 이장과 광통교(廣通橋) 개수를 통해 본 조선 초기 지배 이데올로기의 대립)

  • Nam, Hohyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.4
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    • pp.234-249
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    • 2020
  • The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

A Study on Plant Symbolism Expressed in Korean Sokwha (Folk Painting) (한국 속화(俗畵)(민화(民畵))에 표현된 식물의 상징성에 관한 연구)

  • Gil, Geum-Sun;Kim, Jae-Sik
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.2
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    • pp.81-89
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    • 2011
  • The results of tracking the symbolism of plants in the introduction factors of Sokhwa(folk painting) are as the following. 1. The term Sokhwa(俗畵) is not only a type of painting with a strong local customs, but also carries a symbolic meaning and was discovered in "Donggukisanggukjip" of Lee, Gyu-Bo(1268~1241) in the Goryo era as well as the various usage in the "Sok Dongmunseon" in the early Chosun era, "Sasukjaejip" of Gang, Hee-mang(1424~1483), "Ilseongrok(1786)" in the late Chosun era, "Jajeo(自著)" of Yoo, Han-joon(1732~1811), and "Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango(五洲衍文長箋散稿)" of Lee, Gyu-gyung(1788~?). Especially, according to the Jebyungjoksokhwa allegation〈題屛簇俗畵辯證說〉in the Seohwa of the Insa Edition of Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango, there is a record that the "people called them Sokhwa." 2. Contemporarily, the Korean Sokhwa underwent the prehistoric age that primitively reflected the natural perspective on agricultural culture, the period of Three States that expressed the philosophy of the eternal spirits and reflected the view on the universe in colored pictures, the Goryo Era that religiously expressed the abstract shapes and supernatural patterns in spacein symbolism, and the Chosun Era that established the traditional Korean identity of natural perspective, aesthetic values and symbolism in a complex integration in the popular culture over time. 3. The materials that were analyzed in 1,009 pieces of Korean Sokhwa showed 35 species of plants, 37 species of animals, 6 types of natural objects and other 5 types with a total of 83 types. 4. The shape aesthetics according to the aesthetic analysis of the plants in Sokhwa reflect the primitive world view of Yin/yang and the Five Elements in the peony paintings and dynamic refinement and biological harmonies in the maehwado; the composition aesthetics show complex multi-perspective composition with a strong noteworthiness in the bookshelf paintings, a strong contrast of colors with reverse perspective drawing in the battlefield paintings, and the symmetric beauty of simple orderly patterns in nature and artificial objects with straight and oblique lines are shown in the leisurely reading paintings. In terms of color aesthetics, the five colors of directions - east, west, south, north and the center - or the five basic colors - red, blue, yellow, white and black - are often utilized in ritual or religious manners or symbolically substitute the relative relationships with natural laws. 5. The introduction methods in the Korean Sokhwa exceed the simple imitation of the natural shapes and have been sublimated to the symbolism that is related to nature based on the colloquial artistic characteristics with the suspicion of the essence in the universe. Therefore, the symbolism of the plants and animals in the Korean Sokhwas is a symbolic recognition system, not a scientific recognition system with a free and unique expression with a complex interaction among religious, philosophical, ecological and ideological aspects, as a identity of the group culture of Koreans where the past and the future coexist in the present. This is why the Koran Sokhwa or the folk paintings can be called a cultural identity and can also be interpreted as a natural and folk meaningful scenic factor that has naturally integrated into our cultural lifestyle. However, the Sokhwa(folk paintings) that had been closely related to our lifestyle drastically lost its meaning and emotions through the transitions over time. As the living lifestyle predominantly became the apartment culture and in the historical situations where the confusion of the identity has deepened, the aesthetic and the symbolic values of the Sokhwa folk paintings have the appropriateness to be transmitted as the symbolic assets that protect our spiritual affluence and establish our identity.

A Research on Investigation Results of Teenagers' Civic and Ethic Awareness - Confucian values and a Treatise of Human Nature (유교사상을 통한 청소년의 시민윤리의식 실증조사연구)

  • Moon, Ki-young;Lee, In-young
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.52
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    • pp.393-424
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    • 2017
  • This study investigates the relationship between South Korean youths' Confucian values and sense of citizen ethics while presenting outlook on the sense of citizen ethics based on the theory of human nature. The purpose of this study, by doing so, is to present educational measures. For this purpose, empirical research method was applied in this study. In the empirical study, youths were surveyed and the answers were statistically analyzed and discussed with a view to achieve the study purpose. In the empirical research part of the study, Korean youths' awareness on Confucian values was examined along with its relationship with the sense of citizen ethics. The effect of Confucian values on sense of citizen ethics and their relationship were analyzed to evaluate the receptivity of youths on Confucian ideas and usefulness of sense of citizen ethics. This study investigated a total of final 311 sets of data from male and female students at middle and high schools located in Seoul, Gyeonggi, South Korea. First, to identify the youths' Confucian values and level of sense of citizen ethics, descriptive statistical analysis was conducted. As a result, the survey subjects were found to have, concerning the Confucian values, world view M=3.54, human relations view M=3.66, morality cultivation M=3.76, and social order M=3.45, higher than 3.0 to represent positive levels. The morality cultivation, in particular, was recorded the highest among all whereas the social order was relatively lower, which represents the degree of relying on Confucian values to establish social order. Second, the sub-variables of Confucian values were verified according to the personal characteristics of the surveyed youths and differences in their entire perception was investigated. As a result, according to gender, morality cultivation was found higher in female students (M=3.85) than in male students (M=3.64). According to the subjective economic level of their household, world view was found higher in upper class (M=3.98) than middle-low class (M=3.25) and low class (M=3.22) while human relations view was found higher in middle-upper class (M=3.79) than low class (M=3.46). As for the family type, morality cultivation was found higher in extended family (M=3.83) than nuclear family (M=3.62); and social order was higher in extended family (M=3.54) than nuclear family (M=3.36). Third, to verify the study theme of identifying the effects of youths' Confucian values on sense of citizen morality, hierarchical regression analysis was employed in this study, which used the multi-level model of multiple regression analysis. As a result, the Confucian values was found to have significant positive (+) correlations with the entire sense of citizen ethics in order of human relations view(${\beta}=.499$), world view(${\beta}=.412$), social order(${\beta}=.341$), and morality cultivation(${\beta}=.241$). Confucian value showed significant positive (+) correlations with autonomy in order of morality cultivation(${\beta}=.458$), human relations view(${\beta}=.454$), social order(${\beta}=.362$), and world view(${\beta}=.158$). Confucian values was found to have significant positive (+) correlations with community spirit in order of human relations view(${\beta}=.295$), social order(${\beta}=.281$), and morality cultivation(${\beta}=.232$). As shown in the findings above, youths' Confucian values was found to have significant positive (+) effects on the sense of citizen ethics. It is noted that the higher the Confucian values, the more positive the sense of citizen ethics would be. Consequentially, the Confucian values was identified to play an important role in the sense of citizen ethics in the modern society. Based on this analysis, this study presented specific measures - the necessity and possibility of education on sense of citizen ethics under the theory of human nature. To this end, this study proposed to find an optimal interface between the contemporary sense of citizen ethics and Confucian ethics through the respect for human life and nature, man of virtue as the ideal human model, and united society as a desirable society model.

Characteristics of Vegetation Structure of Burned Area in Mt. Geombong, Samcheok-si, Kangwon-do (강원도 삼척 검봉산 일대 산불 피해복원지 식생 구조 특성)

  • Sung, Jung Won;Shim, Yun Jin;Lee, Kyeong Cheol;Kweon, Hyeong keun;Kang, Won Seok;Chung, You Kyung;Lee, Chae Rim;Byun, Se Min
    • Journal of Practical Agriculture & Fisheries Research
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    • v.24 no.3
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    • pp.15-24
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    • 2022
  • In 2000, a total of 23,794ha of forest was lost due to the East Coast forest fire, and about 70% of the damaged area was concentrated in Samcheok. In 2001, artificial restoration and natural restoration were implemented in the damaged area. This study was conducted to understand the current vegetation structure 21 years after the restoration of forest fire damage in the Samcheok, Gumbong Mountain area. As a result of classifying the vegetation community, it was divided into three communities: Quercus variabilis-Pinus densiflora community, Pinus densiflora-Quercus mongolica community, and Pinus thunbergii community. Quercus variabilis, Pinus densiflora, and Pinus thunbergii planted in the artificial restoration site were found to continue to grow as dominant species in the local vegetation after restoration. As for the species diversity index of the community, the Quercus variabilis-Pinus densiflora community dominated by deciduous broad-leaf trees showed the highest, and the coniferous forest Pinus thunbergii community showed the lowest. Vegetation in areas affected by forest fires is greatly affected by reforestation tree species, and 21 years later, it has shown a tendency to recover to the forest type before forest fire. In order to establish DataBase for effective restoration and to prepare monitoring data, it is necessary to construct data through continuous vegetation survey on the areas affected by forest fires.

A Study on the Historical Values of the Changes of Forest and the Major Old Big Trees in Gyeongbokgung Palace's Back Garden (경복궁 후원 수림의 변화과정 및 주요 노거수군의 역사적 가치규명)

  • Shin, Hyun-Sil
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.40 no.2
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    • pp.1-13
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    • 2022
  • This paper examined the history and development of Gyeongbokgung Palace's back garden based on historical materials and drawings such as Joseon Ilgi(Diaries of Joseon Dynasty), Joseon Wangjo Sillok(the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Doseongdaejido(the Great Map of Seoul), Bukgwoldohyeong(Drawing Plan of the Northern Palace), the Bukgung Palace Restoration Plan, Restoration Planning of Gyeongbokgung Palace and the following results were derived. First, it was confirmed that the Back Garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace was famous for its great location since the Goryeo Dynasty, and that it was named Namkyeong at that time and was a place where a shrine was built, and that castles and palaces were already built during the Goryeo Dynasty under the influence of Fengshui-Docham(風水圖讖) and Zhouli·Kaogongji(周禮考工記). Although the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace in the early Joseon Dynasty stayed out of the limelight as a back garden for the palace, it has a place value as a living space for the head of the state from King Gojong to the present. Second, in order to clearly identify the boundaries of back garden, through literature such as map of Doseongdo (Map of the Capital), La Coree, Gyeongmudae Area, Japanese Geography Custom Compendium, Korean Photo Album, JoseonGeonchukdoJip(The Illustration Book of Joseon Construction), Urban Planning Survey of Gyeongseong, it was confirmed that the current Blue House area outside Sinmumun Gate was built outside the precincts of Gyeongbokgung Palace. It was found that the area devastated through the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, was used as a space where public corporations were combined through the process of reconstruction during the King Gojong period. In Japanese colonial era, the place value as a back garden of the primary palace was damaged, as the palace buildings of the back garden was relocated or destroyed, but after liberation, it was used as the presidential residence and restored the place value of the ruler. Third, in the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace, spatial changes proceeded through the Japanese Invasion and Japanese colonial era. The place with the greatest geographical change was Gyeongnongjae area, where the residence of the Japanese Government-General of Korea was built, and there were frequent changes in the use of the land. On the other hand, the current Gyeongmudae area, the forests next to the small garden, and the forests of Baekak were preserved in the form of traditional forests. To clarify this, 1:1200 floor plan of inner Gyeongmudae residence and satellite images were overlapped based on Sinmumun Gate, and as a result, it was confirmed that the water path originating from Baekak still exists today and the forest area did not change. Fourth, in the areas where the traditional forest landscape was inherited, the functional changes in the topography were little, and major old-age colonies are maintained. The old trees identified in this area were indicator tree species with historical value. Representatively, Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis Uyeki, located in Nokjiwon Garden, is presumed to have been preserved as one of Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis Uyeki planted next to Yongmundang, and has a historicality that has been used as a photo zone at dinners for heads of state and important guests. Lastly, in order to continuously preserve and manage the value of Gyeongbokgung Palace in Blue House, it is urgent to clarify the space value through excavation of historical materials in Japanese colonial era and establish a hierarchy of garden archaeology by era. In addition, the basis for preserving the historical landscape from the Joseon Dynasty to the modern era from Gyeongbokgung Palace should not damage the area of the old giant trees, which has been perpetuated since the past, and a follow-up study is needed to investigate all the forests in Blue House.