• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.157-188
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• 2016

Since democratic transition in the early 1990s, constitutionalism is getting more important for democratic consolidation in Africa. Using Afribarometer data set, this paper explains influences on public confidence in judiciary. High levels of public trust in judiciary is a necessary condition for judicial system to work effectively in emerging democracy. Unlike existing studies focusing on the function of judiciary and legal procedures, this paper is interested in the relationship between how ordinary Africans perceive the attitudes of the chief executive toward judiciary, the rule of law, and judicial corruption and their confidence in judiciary. The results show that those who think that the chief executive is likely to respect the constitution and the judiciary, that the law applies to everyone equally, and that there are few corrupt judicial personnel are likely to show high levels of confidence in judiciary. This study argues that the tension between laws and politics have a significant influence on transitional justice in emerging democracy.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.19-36
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• 2014

This paper attempts to explore the multifaceted Islamic culture and ideology was shaped in different historical periods in Indonesia, particularly focusing on the revival of Islamic extremism and liberalism as well as the surging conflict among Islamic communities in the post-Suharto era. The paper asserts that in the post-Suharto era, progressive Muslim/Islamic liberalist is upholding pluralism, and pancasila is emerging as a positive force for Indonesia's peaceful transition to democracy, solidly defending national unity.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.52
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• pp.11-40
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• 2017

This study analyzed individual-level and country-level factors affecting justification of domestic violence amid emerging social significance of family violence. For individual-level variables, prejudice against women in economic and social roles were used from the World Value Survey data. As for country-level variables, total of 36 countries were analyzed with indices that represents gender equality such as women's employment rate and democracy index. Women's employment rate was gathered from the Labour Market Database of the World Bank and democracy index was from the Economist Intelligence Unit. Results showed that both individual-level, prejudice against women in economic and social roles and country-level variables such as women's employment rate and democracy index had significant effects on justification of domestic violence. This result implies the importance of creating positive social culture which promotes positive attitudes towards perceptions of gender role and gender equality. As well, country-level endeavors to raise gender equality in employment deem important. Based on these findings, policy implications and recommendations for future research were discussed.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.2 no.3
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• pp.196-227
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• 2015

The premise of the intentional model of split-ticket voting is that some voters split their tickets simply because they prefer divided government and believe in constant "checks and balances." This article examines whether this premise stands firm in an emerging democracy like Taiwan. That is, by using survey data in Taiwan, we explore whether one's attitude toward divided or unified government is "real." We hypothesize that a citizen's attitude toward "checks and balances" is subject to change, and conditional on whether her preferred party is in power. Specifically, we speculate that a citizen would tend to hold the balancing perspective or favor divided government, if her preferred party is in opposition. However, if her preferred party becomes the ruling party, she would be more likely to oppose (hold) the balancing (non-balancing) perspective or favor unified government. We then utilize panel survey data embedded in Taiwan's Election and Democratization Studies (TEDS) to verify our hypothesis.

• 동북아역사논총
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• no.59
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• pp.150-186
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• 2018

This paper explains what Japanese progressive liberalism was in postwar Japan by clarifying Maruyama Masao's "Cold War Liberalism," focusing especially on his realism and nationalism searching for "democracy" and "peace" in the context of the early Cold War Japan. Maruyama's Cold War liberalism can be grasped from two perspectives: how the Cold War defined his liberalism and how Maruyama interpreted the Cold War as a liberalist in postwar Japan. The liberal interpretation of the Cold War captures the spatial manifestations of liberalism in the Cold War while Cold War liberalism was to grasp the temporal succession of modern Japan. Maruyama revealed his liberal thinking by combining it to his idea of nationalism and realism. He was concerned about the reshaping of the fascist atmosphere provoked by anti-communism emerging from 186 | 동북아역사논총 59호the Cold War confrontation structure. He sought "neutrality" and "peace" to overcome the so-called "two worlds" of the Cold War. And he stressed the importance of "fair judgment" and "autonomous association" to restrain the fascistic atmosphere in postwar Japan. For Maruyama, subjectivity aimed at the concept of "nation" rather than "citizen," and nationalism was a condition for "democracy" and "peace" in postwar Japan. Maruyama's critical liberalism worked through nationalism and realism.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.5-31
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• 2024

The US-led and European partners supporting liberal international order has dwindled. A number of research has been conducted to explore reasons, starting point, the possibility of resurrection, and even the future scenarios of the international order. This is particularly important for the EU, in that the EU was built for a world that is peaceful, multilateral and driven by compromise inseparable from the liberal international order. The current situation of the crisis in the international order is also important to emerging powers notably China and Russia which seek for a new order best suitable for their own interests. In this sense, this paper explains the significance of the liberal international order to the EU, the necessity of salvaging an order or creating a new order, and important variables - elections held in 2024 across the EU, in the European Parliament, and the US, Russia's invasion of Ukraine, trans-atlantic partnership and EU-China relations - which possibly affect the EU to establish a new European order. In fact, the EU is unlikely to take the lead in forming a new international order. Nonetheless, the first task the EU should do is to acknowledge the crisis situation at present and to make a decision of the EU's position and role regarding saved, reformed or newly shaped order.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.13 no.5
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• pp.107-116
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• 2013

Occur in various parts of the world and the new aspects of the regional conflict is spreading. Nation and civilization, one based on religious ideology, hegemonic tendencies areas of conflict are factors that appear. It has the characteristic that inheritance and conflict between civilizations is spreading. Christian and Islamic books, especially the confrontation and conflict is surfaced in the international political aspects, and a threat to the security of the human race is approaching. To assert the superiority of Western Christianity emerging countries, the salvation of mankind and world peace mission with the historical non-democracy, human rights, women's rights, underdevelopment, nuclear issues, and the spirit of Christian civilization, considered to be linked and reverse, Democracy Launching and human rights issues are forcing Western development model. Islam believes in absolute monotheism that God Lord only determined by the 'slave' and having the determination to serve the religious, political, social and cultural nature ingrained, and closely adjacent to each other geographically, to focus on in quency characteristics higher than the other civilizations are appearing. To assert the doctrine of non-violent Islam 'Koran' and 'knife' became known as the violent images appear in the armed conflict between the culture method. Today the world is facing a clash of civilizations is derived from the religious conflicts and confrontation and friction between the nations appear. In particular, the deep religious roots of Christianity and Islam, the Arab-Israeli conflict, including the right to live in strife confrontation between Christianity and Islam was spread. By a factor of civilization and the spread of terrorism occurred historically proven came here from all over the earth that is being generated is true. Civilization are the symbol of the nation and the species identity.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.59-98
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to examine how the politics of 'femicide(femicidio)' or 'feminicide(feminicidio) is embodied in Latin America. To this end, I tried to grasp the political nature of these terms through the debate over the terms of 'femicide' vs 'feminicidio' and the process of establishing concepts. In Latin America, the 'Declaration on Femicide' in 2008 emphasized the responsibility of the state, and as demands for countermeasures against feminism increased, each country enacted the femicide law. However, due to the lack of mechanisms to implement the law, investigations, or punishments for the perpetrators have not been properly conducted. And femicide is becoming more serious. Recently, #NiUnaMenos, the 8M International Women's Day strike, and performances started in Chile are spreading out of Latin America, gaining sympathy around the world. Also, these actions are emerging as one of the new political movements that demand a democracy with gender equality, adding different agendas according to the situation of each region, including femicide, with strong cohesion.

• The Journal of the Institute of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.10 no.6
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• pp.161-167
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• 2010

Social individualized broadcasting increases rapidly in an environment that combines communication and broadcasting. Real-time individualized broadcasting is a service that is provided by multiple individuals to many and unspecified persons. In contrast, newly introduced individualized broadcasting service is a service that has not been experienced socially and culturally and therefore many problems are expected. The newly emerging real-time individualized broadcasting service may bring about various dysfunctions as well as desirable functions. Establishment of guideline and its implementation based in vulnerability analysis are necessary to prevent the expected dysfunctions and reinforce the desirable functions. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to examine dysfunctions of the information-oriented society which threaten cyber-norms, cyber-morality, cyber-dangers, cyber-democracy, etc. at the level of social individualized broadcasting service and to propose appropriate guidelines. Through this paper, first, future changes of dysfunctions of the information-oriented society due to individualized broadcasting service can be forecast, and countermeasures and policy directions can be proposed. Second, Dysfunctions of ICT-based service that may emerge in individualized broadcasting service can be forecast and correct guideline can be prepared to reduce potential dangers and increase desirable functions of the service. This paper will analyze in various aspects the characteristics of a new media with the focus on individualized broadcasting service among the new ICT-integrated services, and forecast the appearance and aggravation of the dysfunctions and then draw the guideline.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.43
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• pp.7-46
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• 2008

The purpose of this essay explores a critical review of the Korean critical communication studies focused on the problematic of cultural studies and political economy in 2000s. The findings are as follows; The 'consumer turn' or 'audience turn' in new revisionism modelling John Fiske's cultural studies has been interpreted not to complement but to substitute the necessary criticism of the post-authoritarian media establishment of Korea at that time, arising identity crisis of Korean cultural studies as one of the critical camp. On other side, however, some political economy studies close to the unilinear theses of orthodox marxism has been appraised to neglect the complex process and structure of media and cultural production as well. While the press war between the market-dominant dailies and some progressive dailies has given rise to a whole debate as expected in consolidating period of Korean emerging democracy, the conjucturalism as modelled by Hall's 'authoritarian populism' failed to initiate a new theo tical practice in Korea. Finally, this review essay propose the some new research issues that would converge cultural studies and political economy, modernism and postmodernism; citizenship vs 'cultural citizenship'(valuing the private identity and gender) or Habermasian public sphere vs 'cultural public sphere', the culture of production, (modern)citizen/(postmodern)consumer(recently debated in English media policy), 'differentiation' in capitalist production and 'difference' in consumer sovereignty, 21c future vision of public service broadcasting as one of the 20c institutions.