• International Journal of Contents
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• 제11권1호
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• pp.52-61
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• 2015

In the past decade, East Asian Research has received attention from researchers as well as in South Korea society-at-large. The broad category of East Asian Research includes various disciplinary fields, such as "history, economics, and politics; however, few studies have used quantitative analysis to explore its development. In this paper, we used network analysis to identify the disciplines and active research areas, focusing on productivity, collaboration patterns, and citation networks of East Asian Research in South Korea. For this study, 6,646 journal publications related with East Asian Research and indexed by KCI (Korean Citation Index) during the 10-year period of 2004-2013 were considered. Results show that East Asian Research was led during this period by sole-researchers, rather than interdisciplinary studies. Moreover, a co-institution network represents active institutions with a high degree and collaborative centrality. In terms of journal-journal citation networks, journals belonging to both "history" and "Korean literature" disciplines were dominant.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.1-8
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• 2006

Since its defeat in the Second World War, Japan has been fostering good ties with Western countries, especially the United States. However, some East Asian leaders emboldened by their countries' economic success have proclaimed that the future belongs to Asia and have put forward the "Asian values" argument. It is interesting to note that some elements of the "Asian values" argument resemble ultranationalist discourse that was dominant in Japan before the war. The Japanese Government had a great opportunity to reappraise its role in international politics and take stock of its economic and diplomatic relations with East Asian countries after the end of the Cold War. To meet future challenges, Japan should fully overcome anti-Western sentiment and participate in establishing a truly democratic East Asian regionalism based on the "universal values" of human rights, democracy and freedom. This may prove to be one of the biggest challenges for Japan's East Asia policy in the new century.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.31-43
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• 2017

The situation in Korean peninsula, globally and regionally, which followed the global huge uncertainty, changed a lot. Because of the political crisis, ROK falls into a chaos. And DPRK goes into a policy changing period by the internal issues, international sanctions and assassination accident in Malaysia, which is confirmed to be DPRK's Supreme leader, Kim Jong Un's half brother. Under this changing circumstances, the perspectives of regarding China and the Korean peninsula, must be undated accordingly. Only by understanding the Sino-US relations, the DPRK nuclear issue and the regional dilemmas can we formulate reasonable policies to contribute to the peace and stability of the Korean Peninsula.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.163-202
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• 2020

This paper examines how Japanese society produced and reproduced a distinctively gendered history and memories of the experience of WWII and colonialism in the postwar era. We argue that these gendered narratives, which were embedded in postwar debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women, have engendered contradictions and made the historical conflicts with neighboring countries challenging to resolve. On the one hand, this deepens conflict, but on the other, it also generates stability in East Asia. After Japan's defeat in WWII, the American Occupation government created the Peace Constitution, which permanently "renounces war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes." The removal of the state's monopoly on violence - the symbol of masculinity - resulted in Japan's feminization. This feminization led to collective forgetting of prewar imperialism and militarism in postwar Japan. While collectively forgetting the wartime history of comfort women within these feminized narratives, the conservative movement to revise the Peace Constitution attempted to recover Japan's masculinity for a new, autonomous role in international politics, as uncertainty in East Asia increased. Ironically, however, this effort strengthened Japan's femininity because it involved forgetting Japan's masculine role in the past. This forgetting has undermined efforts to achieve masculine independence, thus reinforcing dependence on the United States. Recurrent debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women have influenced how Japanese political elites and intellectual society have constructed distinctive social institutions, imagined foreign relations, and framed contemporary problems, as indicated in their gendered restructuring of history.

• 대한지리학회지
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• 제39권6호
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• pp.933-954
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• 2004

본 논문은 국제환경안보의 개념적 발달과정을 비판적으로 고찰하고, 이에 기초하여 동북아 지역에서 환경거버넌스의 구축을 어렵게 하는 몇 가지 주요한 한계들을 지적하고자 한다. 국제 환경안보의 개념은 전통적 의미 또는 현실주의적 의미의 안보 개념에서 나아가 신자유주의적 환경안보와 정치경제적 환경안보의 개념으로 발전하게 되었으며, 이러한 환경안보의 개념과 관련하여 환경레짐과 환경거버넌스의 개념이 비판적으로 검토되었다. 진정한 환경거버넌스를 (이론 및 현실에서) 구축하기 위하여 환경문제를 유발하는 정치경제적 배경에 관한 분석과 더불어 시민사회의 성숙이 필요하다는 점이 강조된다. 동북아 지역의 환경안보에 있어 한계점으로 경제적 분업구조. 정치군사적 대립관계 그리고 시민 의식의 미성숙과 상호배타성 등이 지적될 수 있다. 동북아 지역의 진정한 환경안보를 위하여, 호혜적 경제협력체계의 구축, 정치적 신뢰 및 국가간 연계기구의 설립, 비정부기구의 교류 증대 등이 요청되고 있다.

• STI Policy Review
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.54-86
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• 2015

The study examines the U.S. Small Business Innovation Research (SBIR) program, with a focus on the recent Reauthorization, and compares, in the political context, the U.S. and East Asian countries-Japan, Korea and Taiwan-that adopted the U.S. SBIR program. For the systematic analysis and cross-country comparison, the study employs Kingdon (2003)'s framework-his political theory and Garbage Can Model-to identify political participants and processes underlying the SBIR Reauthorization and to analyze the differences in problem, policy, and politics streams between the U.S. and East Asian countries. For the cross-country comparison, specifically, the study uses various data sources such as OECD, Global Entrepreneurship Monitor, Hofstede's Cultural Dimensions, and World Value Survey. Based on the analysis outcomes, implications of U.S. practices on East Asian countries are extracted as follows. East Asian countries tend to: Have higher entrepreneurial aspiration while lower entrepreneurial activity and attitude than the U.S.; bear higher long term orientation and uncertainty avoidance while lower individualism than the U.S.; and have greater expectations of technology development and higher confidence in political parties while participating less in political action than the U.S. Drawing on the differences, the following policy recommendations are suggested. East Asian countries should: Improve entrepreneurs' access to resources (in particular, financial resource) in order to link their high entrepreneurial aspiration to actual entrepreneurial activities; cultivate failure-tolerating culture and risk-taking entrepreneurs, for instance, by providing a second chance to SBIR-participating businesses that failed to materialize their innovative ideas; and leverage their high expectations of new technology in order to take bold actions regarding their SBIR programs, and update the programs by drawing out constructive dialogues between SBIR stakeholders.

• 중국학논총
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• 제71호
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• pp.131-149
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• 2021

The Oriental thought does not stay in self, society, or state, but goes further to expand its bounds as "Chunha(the World, 天下)", which is not just the spacious expansion but the moral expansion. It provides a clue to overcome the limitations of the Western international political thought resulting in nationalistic tendencies. Such a cosmopolitcan orientation in the East can be found in the concepts of "Wangdo(Just Way, 王道)", "Yinjung(Benevolent politics, 仁政)", which make Hua(harmony, 和) its essential characteristics. If the East Asian community is formed, it should be based on universal principles that all East Asian citizens can sympathize with from below, not in a one-sided and coercive way. In this regard, the formation of "Sahaeyilga(四海一家, We are the world)", the "Chunha天下" based on the philosophy of the peace seeking 'similarity' in 'difference', can provide philosophical clues to resolve the conflicts and contradictions of the current isolationalist and confrontational international situation.

• Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.57-82
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• 2021

This article examines the urban example of Batu Sawar which served as the capital of the Johor kingdom between 1587 and circa 1615. Around the middle of the eighteenth-century European reference works continued to describe Batu Sawar as the capital of Johor, even though the city had long ceased to serve as a trading center, let alone as Johor's capital, and probably no longer existed. Such observations raise the question of urban impermanence-the transience of sizeable settlements with reference to the Malay Archipelago. Two overarching questions form the backbone of the investigation: First, why did Batu Sawar rise as a regional trading center, and second, what are the reasons that contributed to its decline? Batu Sawar's fate was sealed by a combination of factors that included poor defenses, multiple external shocks, destruction by fire, court politics and rivalry between the early colonial powers.

• 대중서사연구
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• 제26권1호
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• pp.211-240
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• 2020

이 글은 기존의 하이틴 관련 연구들이 누락하고 있는 물음인 '하이틴이란 대체 무엇인가'를 고찰한다. 하이틴은 전후 범 동아시아 팝 문화 씬 권역 중 일본과 한국에서만 통용된 일본발 외래신어이다. 전후 미국에서 형성된 '틴에이저' 문화와 맥을 같이 하는 하이틴은 단순히 대중문화의 하위 카테고리가 아니라 전후 일본 정치의 중요한 이데올로기적 알레고리로 이해돼야 한다. 이를 알아보기 위해 우선, 개념으로서 하이틴이 의미화된 초기의 사례를 고고학적으로 추적한다. 그리고 이를 바탕으로 일본의 전후 정치·이데올로기와 맞물리며 형성된 하이틴의 표상-이미지로서 우에다 히라오의 초기 하이틴물의 정치적 의미를 살펴본다. 그간의 하이틴 연구가 한국이라는 지엽적이고 단편적인 영역에 한정되었던 데 반해, 이 글은 전후 동아시아사라는 보다 보편적인 지평에서 '하이틴'을 논의하는 단초가 될 것이다.

• 한국의사학회지
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• 제36권2호
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• pp.1-12
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• 2023

Immediately after liberation, Shin Kwang-ryul served as the director of the Shinbukcheong People's General Hospital, and defected to South Korea alone in December 1945 with hostility to the Soviet military government. Later, he joined the political operation team (政治工作隊) and was dispatched to the Sinbuk Office as a member of Hamgyeong-do's committee. However, after this was revealed, his wife was taken to the security and tortured to death. Later, when he learned about this, he left a Wolnam Yuseo (越南遺書) and decided to commit suicide. He left politics and started a new family while running a pharmacy. In 1950, he fled Dangjin, Chungnam, during the Korean War and opened an East Asian medical clinic. In 1955, he passed the Korean Medical Examination and opened Cheongpa Oriental Medicine Clinic in Asan, Chungcheongnam-do. In 1969, he ran an East Asian medical clinic in Dohwa-dong, Mapo, Seoul, and moved to Hongeun-dong in 1972 to open Hamnam Oriental Clinic. At this time he wrote a Cheongpa Pharmacy Summary (靑坡驗方要訣). In his later years, he treated poor patients for free, and he continued to work even though he was unwell due to a broken spine. He died in 1980 leaving behind a "proud mind".