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CO2 Methanation Characteristics over Ni Catalyst in a Pressurized Bubbling Fluidized Bed Reactor (가압 기포 유동층 반응기에서의 Ni계 촉매 CO2 메탄화 특성 연구)

  • Son, Seong Hye;Seo, Myung Won;Hwang, Byung Wook;Park, Sung Jin;Kim, Jung Hwan;Lee, Do Yeon;Go, Kang Seok;Jeon, Sang Goo;Yoon, Sung Min;Kim, Yong Ku;Kim, Jae Ho;Ryu, Ho Jeong;Rhee, Young Woo
    • Korean Chemical Engineering Research
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    • v.56 no.6
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    • pp.871-877
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    • 2018
  • Storing the surplus energy from renewable energy resource is one of the challenges related to intermittent and fluctuating nature of renewable energy electricity production. $CO_2$ methanation is well known reaction that as a renewable energy storage system. $CO_2$ methanation requires a catalyst to be active at relatively low temperatures ($250-500^{\circ}C$) and selectivity towards methane. In this study, the catalytic performance test was conducted using a pressurized bubbling fluidized bed reactor (Diameter: 0.025 m and Height: 0.35 m) with $Ni/{\gamma}-Al_2O_3$ (Ni70%, and ${\gamma}-Al_2O_3$30%) catalyst. The range of the reaction conditions were $H_2/CO_2$ mole ratio range of 4.0-6.0, temperature of $300-420^{\circ}C$, pressure of 1-9 bar, and gas velocity ($U_0/U_{mf}$) of 1-5. As the $H_2/CO_2$ mole ratio, temperature and pressure increased, $CO_2$ conversion increases at the experimental temperature range. However, $CO_2$ conversion decreases with increasing gas velocity due to poor mixing characteristics in the fluidized bed. The maximum $CO_2$ conversion of 99.6% was obtained with the operating condition as follows; $H_2/CO_2$ ratio of 5, temperature of $400^{\circ}C$, pressure of 9 bar, and $U_0/U_{mf}$ of 1.4-3.

A Grounded theory Approach on the Experience of Sexual Abuse Victims (성폭력 피해여성의 경험에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Kyung-Hee;Nam, Sun-Young;Chee, Soon-Ju;Kwon, Hye-Jin;Chung, Yeon-Kang
    • Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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    • v.9 no.1
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    • pp.77-98
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    • 1996
  • This studies designed to work out a theoretical framework on the experience of sexual abuse from the perspective of grounded theory in an effort to provide more practical and efficient nursing intervention for female victims. The subcategories identified were "sexual abuse", "threatening", "absent mindness", "embarrassment", "horripilation", "dizziness", "wondrousness", "filthiness", "sexual curiosity", "violence level", "victim's age", "neighbors response", "victims personality", "common experience", "sexual abuse information", "family relations", "level of familiarity", "hiding", "suppression", "self-torture", "self-protection", "avoidance", "asking aid", "withdrawal", "hatred", "confusion", "dodging, "remmant", and "pursuing". The 29 subcategories given above were further integrated into 16 categories such as "victimizedness", "being astounded", "filthiness", "degree", "developmental stage", "response pattern", "personality", "rarity", "information availability", "family support", "cover-up", "escaping", "informing", "negative internalization", and "positive pursuit of change". The core categories linked to all the other categories turned out to be "being taken aback" and "filthiness" incorporating the relevant subcategories. A total of 23 theoretical hypothesis emerged in the process of analyzing data. 1. the grater sexual curiosity, the weaker the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 2. The weaker sexual curiosity, the stronger the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 3. The stronger the level of violence, The more violent the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 4. The lower the level of violence, the weaker the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 5. The younger the victims, the stronger the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 6. The older the victims, The weaker the senses of being taken aback and filthiness. 7. 'Escaping' will transpire regardless of the given circumstances. 8. The weaker the senses of being taken aback and filthiness, the more probable 'informing' and 'escaping' transpire. 9. The stronger the senses of being taken aback and filthiness, the more probable 'informing' and 'escaping' transpire. 10. The more protective the response from 'informing' and 'escaping' transpire around, the more likely the response to being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping'. 11. The more repelling the response from around, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping'. 12. The more open minded the personality of the subject, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping'. 13. The more closed the personality of tile subject, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping'. 14. The more frequent the experience of sexual abuse, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping'. 15. The less frequent the experience of sexual abuse, the more lilely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping'. 16. The more available information concerning sexual abuses, the more likely response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping. 17. The less available information concerning sexual abuses, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping'. 18. The more cohesive the family of the subject, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping'. 19. The less cohesive the family of the subject, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping'. 20. The less familiar the subject is with the abuser, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'informing' and 'escaping'. 21. The less familiar the subject is with the abuser, the more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' will be 'covering-up' and 'escaping. 22. The more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' is 'informing and 'escaping', the more positive changes the subject will pursue. 23. The more likely the response to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' is 'covering-up' and 'escaping', the more negative changes the subject will pursue. The following four hypotheses were conformed in the process of data analysis. 1) In case the level of violence is strong but 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' in weak because of strong sexual curiosity and also if information concerning sexual abuse is not readily available and the frequency is low, negative internationalization marked by 'covering-up' and 'escaping' will take place despite the fact the subject is open-minded, the family is cohesive and the abuser is unfamiliar. 2) In case the level of violence is weak but 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' is weak combined with weak sexual curiosity and also if information concerning sexual abuse is readily available and the response from around is protective and the frequency is high, the subject will pursue positive changes to 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness', further aided by the fact that the subject is open-minded, the family is cohesive and the abuser is unfamiliar. 3) In case the level of violence is strong and 'being taken abuse' and 'filthiness' is strong because of weak sexual curiosity and also if information concerning sexual abuse is reading available and the response from around is readily available and the response from around is protective and the frequency is low, the subject will persue positive changes marked by 'informing' and 'escaping' despite the fact that the family cohesion is weak and the abuser is familiar. 4) In case the level of violence is strong and 'being taken aback' and 'filthiness' is strong because of weak sexual curiosity and also if information concerning sexual abuse is not readily available and the response from around is respelling and the frequency is low negative internalization like 'covering-up' and 'escaping' will take place, further aggravated by the fact that the subject's personality is closed, family cohesion is weak, and subject is familiar. On the basis of the above finding, it is recommended that nursing intervention should focus on promoting the milieu conductive to the victims pursuing positive changes along with the adequate aids from protection facilities as well as from the people around them.

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A Study on Coming of Age, Wedding, Funeral, and Ancestral Rites Found in 『Hajaeilgi』 (『하재일기』에 나타난 관·혼·상·제례 연구)

  • Song, Jae-Yong
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.70
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    • pp.435-466
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    • 2018
  • "Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.