• 한국사회정책
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.119-147
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• 2012

This paper aims to explore whether the trilemma of welfare states has been a valid argument about the recent change of welfare states. Based on fuzzy-set ideal type analysis of data from seventeen OECD countries, it examines that welfare states have achieved three core policy objectives -income equality, employment growth and fiscal discipline- in the service economy during the period between 1981 and 2010. The evidence presented in this paper does not support the trilemma of the service economy where only two goals can be pursued successfully at one time, at a cost of the other remained goal. The trilemma has been effective only to the countries in liberal welfare regime where employment growth and fiscal discipline has been achieved at a cost of higher levels of income equality. However, conservative welfare-state regimes have experienced the deterioration of income equality and fiscal restraint after the mid 1980s and it seems that they have diverged into various models. In the countries of the social democratic welfare regime, the goals of equality and employment have been achieved simultaneously together with fiscal discipline since the early 2000s. While they are classified as the perfect model in the research, Southern European welfare states including Greece and Italy, classified as 'the crisis model', have not performed well in all the three aspects. On the evidence presented in this paper, it can be said that the trilemma of welfare states in the service economy is not effective to explain the policy goals of welfare state as well as the result of redistributive politics in the service economy.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.245-271
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to examine and assess the major characteristics and changes of politics, economy, and diplomacy in Thailand in 2016. Specifically, it reviewed the New Constitution that was passed in 2016, the confrontation between different political forces and the trend of military regime around the New Constitution, and the political instability caused by the accession of the new king to the throne. This study also set out to figure out changes to the economy and foreign relations of the country, including its relations with South Korea, under the military regime and make predictions for the impact and future prospects of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's death on the politics and economy of the country. In 2016, the politics of Thailand took a step further toward the transfer of power to civil government and established a foundation for an authoritarian system. The draft of the New Constitution, which does not seem to be democratic, was approved by a referendum and enabled the military authorities to continue their political interventions, even after the general election. The New Constitution, in particular, reduces the power of political parties itself in addition to simply keeping the Thaksin's party in check; thus, anticipating ongoing conflicts between the military authorities and political parties. In this situation, the absence of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who used to play a decisive role in promoting the political stability of the country, and the accession of the new king to the throne raise concerns about the acceleration of political instability, which has continued after the coup and influenced the diplomatic relations of the country. Today, Thailand is distancing itself from Western nations that do not recognize the current military regime including the U.S.A. and EU member states and instead maintains a rapidly friendly and close relation with China. In 2016, the economy of Thailand made a gradual recovery rather than high growth. The death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej has exerted limited direct economic impacts only on individual consumption and tourism and is not likely to cause a recession. An economic crisis will, however, be unavoidable if the political confrontations escalate before the general election to transfer power to the civil government.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.593-622
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to investigate the characteristics of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism and to examine the characteristics of Intermixture of Three Religions in Journey to the West. This novel, which has the structure of satire, hope, and surrogate satisfaction while being the center of satire and humor, is a refuge for the people. Even today, it can be said, however, that for the people, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism was not a distinctly separate system of religions. Journey to the West story is about the liberation of Buddhism that is obtained through Taoism training. In the celestial world, not all gods are perfect, and often make mistakes. In such a story, the mistakes of beings living as human beings are simply insignificant. What is not different from the structure of life in this world is still a world of nature. The world is rife with absurdities, both on earth and in heaven. The characteristics of Intermixture of Three Religions can be summarized in several ways. First, the Trip of Samjang is not just to gain the enlightenment of illegal but rather to seek a greater sense of meaning. Second, the means to gain enlightenment is that it does not claim that one is right or good. Third, mercy, goodwill, and respect for life for oppressed and exploited peoples are common to all religions. Fourth, this story suggests that everything from the beginning is already a matter of mind. Fifth, all of the logic of Three Religions in this novel can be said to be "preliminary." Human life implies that it is going on a planned path, perhaps as a fate. But the important thing is, as in all religions, even if the road is a planned one, Journey to the West is strongly and persuasively speaking that it is the way of life as well as the attitude of living silently in carrying out its duties.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.441-471
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• 2009

Both in the East and the West, the most classical question in political philosophy was 'what is truly a good life?' 'Good life' and 'good politics' are thus essentially tied together. Mencius (孟子, B.C385-303/302) was not exception to this belief. It is not an exaggeration that his Mencius, the treatise that encapsulates his whole views, begins and ends with good life and good politics. He began with new definitions of good life and politics and the rest elaborates why they are so. This paper attempts to systematically approach to what Mencius thinks as a good life in terms of political thoughts. Confucius, his intellectual mentor, asserted that the most humane human life is a civilized life and it means to realize the value of 'Yin (仁: Grace)' and thus set his good life from previous ones. Mencius concurred that Confucius's explication of the good life was right. Moreover, he argued that to realize this, political practice should follow. The 'good life' for Mencius consists of 1) the life in which the ruler does not monopolize joy but shares it with people, that is '$Y{\breve{o}}mindongrak$(與民同樂)' or '$Y{\breve{o}}minhaerak$(與民偕樂)' and 2) the life, based on this political foundation, that pursues the life of 'Five Ethics (五倫)' in which each individual member of society has its share in it. Mencius discussed about 'Four Virtues (四德)', the essential goodness of human, confirmed by 'Four Clues (四端)' to talk about the possibility of realizing the good life. On the other hand, he devised the political device of '$YinJ{\breve{o}}ng$ (仁政: Gracious Politics)' as a practical tool for it. Furthermore, he asserted 'Good people theory (養民論)' as the first condition for the good politics, '$YinJ{\breve{o}}ng$' and 'Education of people theory (敎民論)' as the final one. As Mencius inherited Confucius effort for a good life with the theory of '$YinJ{\breve{o}}ng$', the so-called Zhuxi scholars inherited his as 'Sugichiin (修己治人: cultivate yourself and then order society)' after 1500.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.295-318
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• 2013

The purpose of this study was to define the 'caligraphy as a modern concept of art. For this purpose, it was necessary to exclude the elements betraying 'the caligraphy as a pure art' in reference to 'autonomy' as an indicator of modernity in order to reflect on the current topology of the caligraphy in our age. Checking the current conditions facing the caligraphy from the pre-modern, modern and post-modern perspectives will clarify the current topology of the caligraphy and further exploring 'the caligraphy as a post-modern art concept. To this end, this study defines the caligraphy 'as a pure formative art' and thereby discusses it in terms of nature and form. In terms of nature, the caligraphy should be subsumed into a spacial art, but it has a nature of a temporal art created and appreciated over time. Hence, among the spacial arts, the painting is most similar to the caligraphy, while among the temporal arts, the caligraphy is most similar to such rhythmic (of high mobility) or performing arts as music and dance. Merely, the painting does not reveal the flow of time on the canvas, while music and dance leave no residual in terms of audibility and visuality. All in all, the caligraphy is sort of 'temporal-spacial art' like dance in that the visible letters express the artist's sense of life on the plane over time like music. In terms of form, this study compares the caligraphy with engraving, wood print and character design to define the caligraphy as a pure art concept. The caligraphy as a modern art concept, namely, the autonomy of the caligraphy is associated with legibility and meaning in addition to the question whether it is an applied or a pure art. The legibility and meaning of the characters are not only the essential elements of the caligraphy but also are the factors limiting its autonomy, which must be a paradox. All in all, the legibility and meaning of the characters must be the key criteria for determining the caligraphy as a practical art or literary art or as a pure figurative art. In this context, this study discusses the caligraphy as a pure art by comparing it with the spatial art 'painting' and the temporal art 'music.' It might be impossible to define the caligraphy or a genre of art as an autonomous art of self-perfection and categorical identity. Moreover, any attempt to define the caligraphy would fail to interpret the caligraphy appropriately. Merely, we are obliged to position the caligraphy in the process of localizing 'their modernity' and thereby, discuss how to respond to their scheme.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.35
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• pp.161-188
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• 2009

Confucianism's concept of Ye is ruled by the absolute principle of the universe on one hand, and by "the rules of Ye(節文)" and "the rules of ceremony(儀則)", the principle of relative articulation on the other hand. The realizations of the absolute principle of Ye is depending on its usage in everyday life which is fundamentally conditioned by time and space. Thus, Ye's usage can be maximized when the fundamental principle and the condition of its usage make a mutual harmony. Of course, Ye and Ak(樂) are doing complementary roles for each other, since Ye is a principle of a division and Ak is a principle of combining features. However, the essence of Ye can be figured out as the characteristics of mutual reciprocity among things of hierarchy between the classes. Not only in Modern one But also in the medieval society, Ye was not a one-sided force. The essence of Ye does not retain the interests of an individual and the power of a group. If so, the formal aspects of Ye had been distorted. Confucianism demands a strict morality and ethics of a normal person as well as of the ruler. The characteristics of Ye is democratic and open to the condition of time and space. Yegyo should be rooted in everyday lives and realized as a usualness. Therefore, Shirak was an inevitable feature of Yegyo. During the 16th and the 17th century, Ye insinuated into everyday lives of the public in the Korean society. Yulgok Yiyi(李珥)'s Haejuhyangyak(海州鄕約) was estimated as the exemplary feature of Shirak.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.79-112
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• 2011

Since Noron(老論) had organized in the period of Sookjong(肅宗), it constantly had led the political situation of Choson until Choson(朝鮮) perished as the grasping political power. Studies and thoughts development of Noron can be devided into four periods. First, the term of politics of faction of the period of Sookjong. Second, a period of Youngjo(英祖) and Joungjo(正祖). Third, a period of politics of power(勢道政治). Fourth, the latter term of 19century. We can look into an origin and development aspect in outline by dividing like this. The general character of Noron can be summarized by the respect of Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689), the theory of a party of a man of virtue(君子黨論) based on the theory of moral civilization of Choson(朝鮮中華論), the succession of Lee i(李珥; 1636-1684)'s neo-confucianism, rejecting all teaching that does not conform to neoconfucianism and protecting right studies, and oppression of Roman Catholic. The noticeable scholars of Noron were Kwon sang Ha(權尙夏; 1641~1721), Kim chang hyup(金昌協; 1651~1708), Lee jea(李縡; 1680~1746) etc. These scholars of Noron following Song Si-yeol had tried to raise "Learning of the Way"(正明道) by respecting Zushi and removing injustice(尊朱子攘夷狄), also believed people should embody moral values in their society and country. and possessed an will guiding to stabilize the country by rejecting uncivilization(尊王攘夷). Above all, they insisted, the King of Choson should rule with 'lighting heavenly reason'(明天理). Also they insisted the King and countrymen should together strive to recover civilization of moral humanity and destroy uncivilzation. But gradually they lost the motive and purpose of moral politics in the seventeenth century. Finally Noron Byeokpa(?派) take over the reins of government. It resulted in the bad effect of politics of autocrat(勢道政治) having their own way to use power of authority after death of Jungjo(正祖). The peculiar character of Noron politics can valued as the extreme aspect of 'according of politics and scholarship'(政學一致).

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.53-94
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• 2017

Thai political regime is said to have returned to bureaucratic polity or semi-democracy. However this kind of perspective do not find the political interference of Privy Council which is a body of Monarch of Thailand. Therefore this paper tries to discover the unique traits of Thai way of constitutional monarchy which can be defined as the modern form of absolute monarchy. In short Thai way of constitutional monarchy based on network politics is contradictary to the normal constitutional monarchy whose norm is "the king reigns, but does not rule." This means Thai king is in politics not above politics in reality. Thai monarchy has interfered in diversive way in terms of mediating political conflicts and protecting the monarchy as a institution. In this process the king has been worshiped as demigod who practises the Buddhist doctrine and the centre of national integration. Even after the 6 Ocober 1976 massacre which the palace involved King Bhumibol Adulyadej's sacred position was not challenged. Rather $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law became more draconian for status quo. Since then $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ was cited as one of the major rationale for the military coup. The 2006 coup which was triggered by the clash between network Monarchy and bourgeois polity based on Thakin network marked a surge of the $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ cases. The 2014 coup had consecutively increased the number of $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ prisoners. It can be said that the modern form of absolute monarchy in Thailand including bureaucratic polity, semi-democracy and democracy is bounded by $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law which network monarchy players such as military, intellectuals, Democrat Party and even some civil society groups support.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.349-386
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• 2014

Noju Oh Hui-sang(1763-1833) is one of the neo-Confucian scholars representing with Hong Chik-pil the Kiho-Nak School from the late 18th to the early 19th century. He did sincerely not only succeed theories of Kiho School originated from Yulgok, but also strengthened the main view of the Nak faction by clarifying the theoretical stance of it derived from Kim Chang-hyop. Not only he does suggest critical points of view against Ho faction in terms of Horak Controversy, but also criticizes heterodox account, which raised by an inner circle of Nak faction. In this vein, Oh established the neo-Confucian ways of realization of morality and ideal society by setting up his own points of view on mind and bright virtues that are followed by various issues of Horak Controversy. My paper will examine the values of Oh's account of Nature-Principle in the light of intellectual historical context by paying a special attention to his critical views of Ho faction. Oh's main idea is how to systematize practical foundation of realizing morality. Thus, he wants to theoretically explain both the practice of morality and the reality of pure moral mind in order to establish concrete practices of them in the real world. In doing so, he pays attention to mutual inclusive relationship between Principle and Matter(ki:氣). The mutual inclusive relationship between them can be exactly applied into the relationship between mind and Nature. So, the realityof moral principle explicitly implies the pure goodness of moral agency. Furthermore, his elucidation of logical relationship between mind and Nature and its values via the ontological understanding of them is to set up a system of cultivation, i.e., realizing practical foundation of pure moral mind. In conclusion, we can evaluate that Oh's account of Nature-Principle, at least, aims not only at establishment of moral agency and its reality in a theoretical dimension, but also at a guarantee of their realization in the world.