• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.42
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• pp.205-248
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• 2008

There emerges a growing concern about South Korea's intellectual dependence on U.S. financial news media. However, those media's inherent relationship with national economic and financial interests has been poorly addressed. This paper thus attempts to identify such a strategic partnership between media and the government by analysing news coverages over four critical arena interwoven with U.S. dollar based financial system. For this purpose, total 152 news articles about Asia crisis, Asian Monetary Fund, Malaysia currency crisis and the new international financial architecture have been examined in terms of frame, attitude, cue-givers and discursive strategies. Research results indicate that not only have the media actively deferred to government leadership bur they have also acted as public diplomats in way of not hampering journalistic credibility. Hence, it is claimed that Korean society needs to formulate a model of media's strategic partnership with government at least in foreign policy arena, as well as to launch discursive strategies against nation-bound global news media.

• (The)Korea Educational Review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.57-81
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to summarise the educational meanings of Official Foreign Language Schools(hereafter, OFLS) in Korea, 1895-1906. Especially, I try to find out the foreign language policy of the Joseon Dynasty and the comparative superiority between six foreign language schools - Japanese School, English School, French School, Russian School, Chinese School, and German School - through the traits of teachers and the change of students numbers at the Regulation Period. As a part of Kabo Reforms, the government had abolished the of Civil Service Examination System and status system, and foreign languages worked as a cultural capital to acquire modern civilization and to escalate one's social status. The results were as follows: Firstly, the OFLS have to be regarded as one of the highest educational institute during the Regulation Period. The eligibility of the OFLS was over 15 years old, but most of the incoming students were over 20 years old. Secondly, many of the OFLS's teachers were specialists of military, diplomat and mechanics. Especially, Martel, the teacher of French school played an important role for the neutral diplomacy policy of the Great Korean(Dae-Han) Empire during the Regulation Period. Thirdly, the recruit of new members of the OFLS was affected by the political and social circumstances at that time. Fourthly, the statistics of incoming students during the Regulation Period was concentrated on Chinese school, French school, and English school in due order. Thus, it differed from the commonly accepted ideas of students' statistics which was concentrated on English School and Japanese School. Fifthly, the OFLS were not only for the training of official interpreters(譯官通事), but also the cultivation of civil servants who could become statesman.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.231-252
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• 2008

This study is to investigate on focus of his political position change to build up his the real form about Park je sang(朴堤上) who had taken an active part within Shila nulgi king(訥祗王) period on base of previous park je sang' study results. that is, this study took attention about excellent capability by diplomat who had shown his diplomatic ability in complicated and international fields of three countries, and about process of entrance on central political fields by private capability in sap lang(?良) district in relation with building up the real form of park je sang. As result, by means of few investigations about park je sang who had taken an active part, we looked into process how local power man in sap lang(?良) district had built up his position to jin-gol(眞骨) status with strategic location of sap lang(?良) district on shila history within Shila nulgi king period. I think that we found valuable means from figures of a district society in process how Shila had grown with a country of centralizing power.

• 한국학연구
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• no.54
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• pp.167-193
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• 2019

This paper examines the programs and practices of the Asia Foundation during the politically tumultuous period of the early 1960s. Since its opening of branch office in Korea, the Asia Foundation expanded the scope of its activities that catered to the "local" needs of the country. Yet, the military coup in 1961 led by Park Chung Hee created a serious challenge to the organization, forcing it to look for a breakthrough. An opportunity presented itself in late 1961 when Park planned a visit to the US to hold a summit meeting with the US president Kennedy. The Asia Foundation seized an opportunity, by hosting a banquet reception for Park who made a stopover in San Francisco. The entire process of preparation enabled the foundation to develop close rapport with the key players in the military junta. Furthermore, it gained an invaluable insight into the junta's policy agendas, member dynamics as well as what the despot Park disfavors. The successful hosting turned the foundation into the most formidable philanthropic organizations in Korea. Concurrently, its program designs increasingly catered toward creating and serving the new administrative policies and programs of the military junta government. This "top-down" style of localization marks a new modus operadi, indicating a deeper collaboration between the foundation and South Korean government in the 1960s. Two programs stand out. They are : the diplomat training and law education. Both ended up strengthening the governing power of the Park administration.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.142-160
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• 2023

The position of the people who participated in the Bapyo Ritual held in the reign of King Sejong and the corresponding costumes were examined. The king, who was the executive body of the ritual, wore Myeon-Bok, a court dress, and Myeon-Bok was Gujang-Bok made of Jang-wha on Guryu-Pyeongcheongwan. Crown princes, royal families, and government officials wore Oryang-Gwan and Jekraeui, which were Jobok. The crown princes' Joboks were changed from Oryang-Gwan to Wukryang-Gwan in the dynasty year 10 of King Sejong, and in the year of King Munjong's accession, Myeon-Bok was received, and after King Danjong, the crown princes wore Palryu-Pyeongcheongwan and Chiljang-Bok. Diplomats and Jongsagwan who were the envoys wore Sangbok. A Sangbok worn by the diplomat was Samo with Danryeong, Seo-Dae, and Hyeopgeum-Hwa, and a Sangbok worn by Jongsagwan was Samo, Danryeong, Heukgak-Dae, and Heukpi-Hwa. Byulgam, who served as an attendant to the king in the king's close quarters, wore Gongbok and Sangbok. Gongbok consisted of Ja-Geon, Danryeong and Heukpi-Hwa, and Sangbok consisted of orange color Cho-Rip, Jikryeong, Joa, and Heukpi-Hwa. The person holding San, Gae , Sujeongjang, and Geumwolbu wore Ja-Geon and Cheong-Ui, and Seon wore Pimoja and Hong-Ui. Siwigun wore armor and helmets equipped with weapons. Among court musicians, Aksa's costumes consisted of Bokdu, Bigongbok, Geumdonghyeokdae, Bibaekdaedae, and Opiri, and Aksaeng's one composed of Gaechaek, Bisuransam, Hyupgo, Mal, Maldae, and Opiri. As a result of the above, the process of ceremonial clothes becoming uniform clothes in the reign of King Sejong was confirmed. The king and lower-ranking officials such as crown princes, government officials, diplomats, Byulgam, armies for ceremonial weaponry, and court musicians participating in the Bapyo Ritual wore the highest grade of ceremonial clothes for each class. King Sejong had repeated discussions to build a nation based on Confucianism, and arranged each rite and corresponding costume, and the Bapyo Ritual costume was also systematically prepared for each position. The ceremonial clothing organized during the reign of King Sejong was regulated in Yejon and became the basis for continuing to the late Joseon Dynasty.