• 동남아시아연구
• /
• 제23권3호
• /
• pp.217-256
• /
• 2013

This study addresses the issue of the continuity in Indonesia's party system with respect to Islam, authoritarian legacy and income, using the urban-based individual face-to-face survey data. The existing studies focus on the historical continuity of the Indonesian party system between the 1955 and 1999 democratic elections. Yet, this study deals with the continuity and discontinuity between the pre-transitional 1997 election and the transitional 1999 election. It finds that the effect of Islam is largely independent of the democratic transition: Islam-oriented voters under the authoritarian rule tend to remain in the Islamic camp even during and after the democratic transition, while most of the secular voters prior to the democratic transition continue to shun any Islamic parties during the democratization. The effect of authoritarian legacy is also found to be meaningful, even if not as sticky as Islam. Finally, the variable of income is significant. Contrary to the popular belief, the PDIP is not a party of the urban poor but the PPP is the urban poor's favorite choice. This implies the linkage between poverty and political Islam.

• 수완나부미
• /
• 제7권2호
• /
• pp.57-78
• /
• 2015

Southeast Asia has been a showcase for democratic transitions in the past 30 years. This paper proposes a conceptual lens for studying political shifts in the Southeast Asian region. The argumentative storyline follows two fundamental propositions about democratic transitions. My first proposition is that during democratic transitions, human phenomena arise on nested analytical layers namely the global arena, the state, prodemocracy movements, and individuals. Each layer is conventionally studied by international relations, political science, sociology, and psychology respectively. I propose a multidisciplinary lens that transverses all these analytical layers. A second proposition is that during political shifts, social conditions are historically-situated. Historicity is anchored on stages of democratization, namely the authoritarian regime, toppling the regime, power shift, state building, and nation building. This paper describes a 4 × 5 matrix (analytical layer × historical stage) that may guide a regional agenda on the empirical study of democratic transitions in the Southeast Asian region. It likewise gives examples of research findings in Philippine-based studies that have already begun to provide empirical data about segments of this research matrix.

• 동남아시아연구
• /
• 제20권3호
• /
• pp.147-182
• /
• 2010

The purpose of this study is to examine the population changes in the nine Southeast Asian countries, including Cambodia, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Philippine, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Singapore, Vietnam, and Thailand. According to the demographic transition theory which described the transition from high birth and death rates to low birth and death rates, the demographic changes in less developed countries, including the Southeast Asian countries, follow the general pattern of the population changes that the Western countries had experienced. However, this theory does not consider the fact that the demographic behaviors such as fertility and mortality tend to be ethnocentric (or particular). Therefore, I examine in this paper both the generality and particularity of the population changes in the Southeast Asia . The analytic results are consistent with my assumptions. Every country in the Southeast Asia will soon reach the third phrase of the demographic transition and meet population ageing process. However, the timings arriving at the third phrase can differ. Singapore which is the most developed country had firstly passed through the demographic transition and the highest level of population ageing. Cambodia and Lao People's Democratic Republic, the least developed countries, will lastly arrive at the third phrase and the ageing society. In addition, among the three countries which had experienced war or civil war, only Cambodia had experienced babyboom.

• 동남아시아연구
• /
• 제28권4호
• /
• pp.77-114
• /
• 2018

본 연구의 목적은 최근 태국과 필리핀에서 관찰된 정치변동의 본질이 민주화 이행과정에서 일시적으로 나타난 "민주화의 후퇴" 현상인지, 아니면 권위주의체제로 회귀하여 "재권위주의화"되고 있는 것인지에 대한 답을 찾고자 하는 것이다. 이를 위하여 정치변동 관련 기존연구들에 기초한 세 가지의 가설을 추출하였다. 민주적 절차와 제도 및 민간우위의 원칙을 통한 자유민주주의체제 특성을 확인할 <가설 1>, 개인의 자유과 권리 통제, 권력의 집중현상, 법치주의를 위협하는 포퓰리즘의 통치행태 등 권위주의체제 특성을 확인할 <가설 2>, 그리고 민주화 이행과정에서 민주적인 제도와 대중적 인식 사이의 일치 또는 부조화를 확인할 수 있는 <가설 3> 등이다. 가설들을 통하여 분석한 결과 태국과 필리핀에서 관찰되는 최근의 정치변동은 일시적인 "민주화의 후퇴"보다는 "재권위주의화"로 규정하는 것이 더 타당할 것으로 판단된다. 이러한 결론의 함의는 경쟁적 선거와 평화적 정권교체라는 민주적인 제도나 절차의 변화만으로는 자유민주주의체제로 성공적인 이행이 보장되지 못한다는 사실이다. 아울러 대중들의 인식과 신념의 변화 및 민주적 실행이 수반되지 않는 경우 반쪽자리 민주주의로 그 생명력이 오래 지속될 수 없음도 두 사례를 통하여 확인할 수 있었다.

• 동남아시아연구
• /
• 제19권2호
• /
• pp.173-218
• /
• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.

• 의정연구
• /
• 제22권2호
• /
• pp.157-188
• /
• 2016

아프리카의 많은 국가들이 민주화를 경험함에 따라 입헌주의의 중요성이 점점 더 부각되고 있다. 본 논문은 아프로바로메터 여론조사 데이터를 이용해 아프리카인들이 사법부에 대한 신뢰도 형성에 영향을 미치는 요인이 무엇인가를 경험적으로 분석하고 있다. 민주주의 체제에서 사법제도가 효과적으로 실현되기 위해 시민의 사법부에 대한 높은 신뢰도는 핵심적 요소 중 하나이다. 기존 연구들이 사법부의 기능이나 소송절차 등에 초점을 맞춰왔음에 비해 본 연구는 아프리카인들이 자국의 대통령이 헌법이나 사법제도를 어느 정도 존중하는가와 본인들이 일상생활에서 느끼는 법치의 수준, 법관의 부패 수준 등이 사법제도에 대한 그들의 신뢰도 형성에 영향을 미친다는 것을 경험적으로 보여준다. 분석 결과는 행정부의 수장(대통령 혹은 수상)이 사법제도나 헌법을 존중하는 모습을 보여줄수록, 아프리카인들이 법치가 공정하게 이루어진다고 평가할수록, 또한 아프리카인들이 부패한 법관이 많지 않다고 생각할수록 자신이 속한 국가의 사법부를 더 신뢰한다는 것을 보여준다. 본 연구는 과도기적 체제전환을 경험하는 신생민주주의 국가에서 법과 정치 사이에 긴장이 발생할 수있으며, 사법에 대한 시민들의 이상과 정치의 현실이 과도기 정의에 상호 교차적으로 부담을 줄 수 있다는 것을 보여준다.

• Child Health Nursing Research
• /
• 제17권1호
• /
• pp.48-57
• /
• 2011

Purpose: The study was conducted to explore the parenting experience of mothers who have defected from North Korean. Methods: Nineteen mothers who defected from North Korean were recruited in Hanawon and data were collected through face-to-face interviews. Grounded theory methodology developed by Strauss and Corbin (1998) was adapted for theoretical sampling and analysis. Interviews were recorded with consent and transcribed verbatim. Results: The core category was discovered to be 'pursuing positive parenting'. Phenomenon was identified as 'acting out of frustration' and this series of processes was categorized as having four stages: 'harsh reality', 'moving forward', seeking transition', and 'internalization'. Conclusion: The results indicate that their parenting experiences were in a transition process and, thus, it is critical to develop positive parenting intervention programs as a way to promote the empowerment of these mothers in parenting to help them support themselves and their children.

• 의정연구
• /
• 제23권1호
• /
• pp.5-36
• /
• 2017

이 논문은 민주화 이후 출현한 87년체제의 특성을 밝히고 그 진화 과정을 비판적으로 분석함으로써 이에 대한 혁신의 방향과 내용을 모색하는 논의의 출발점을 제공하고자 한다. 이를 위해 우선 한국이 현재 세계사의 거시적 흐름속에서 어떤 국면에 처해 있는지 파악해 본 다음 87년체제가 현대한국정치의 큰 흐름 속에서 어떻게 출현했으며 그 부정적 특성은 어떻게 형성되었는지 분석한다. 그리고 민주화 이후 87년체제의 진화 과정을 분석한 다음 현재 파국에 이른 87년체제 극복을 위한 혁신의 단초를 제시한다.

• 대한가정학회지
• /
• 제47권4호
• /
• pp.11-24
• /
• 2009

This study aims to analyze families and the kinship concepts in Korean laws based on meanings, boundaries, and functions. Korean culture is in the process of changing from traditional familism to democratic individualism, yet this is not a simple transition. In recent times, many people have come to look at family life from both traditional and individual perspectives, so their family values are inconsistent with each other. Therefore, this creates many family conflicts. As a result of this problem, I have analyzed families and the kinship concepts in Korean laws based on meanings, boundaries, and functions. Because laws regulate and reflect our everyday life, it is meaningful to review these laws. The results are as follow: First, the meaning of family in Korean laws is to respect other family members, and democratic family relationships. Second, the family boundaries are very different depending on the laws. The core boundary is the nuclear family, but in addition to the nuclear family, the parents of the wife and husband, the family of origin and the kin living together are included in the family member regulations. Third, the functions of the family are caring, education, rules for the living place, child discipline, supporting each other, guardianship for the family members, succession of family assets, and legal accusation rights. Kinship plays an important role in determining child guardianship, permission of a minor to marry, and authority over legal incompetency. Therefore, there are some contradictions between individualism and patriarchy in Korean laws, and these can have an influence on the conflicts between family members in the everyday life.

• 복식
• /
• 제64권3호
• /
• pp.155-164
• /
• 2014

This paper discusses the social changes in the late 19th century that provided a historical background in the appearance of the ready-to-wear clothing in the West. It examines the social meanings of the appearance of the ready-to-wear clothing at the time and traces the origins of these social characteristics to the book published in the $16^{th}$ century by Thomas More, Utopia. The results of this study can be summarized as the following. First, the appearance and expansion of the ready-to-wear clothing coincided with the social transition from a class-based society to a democratic society in the west in the $19^{th}$ century. Second, uniforms were produced in the $18^{th}$ century Europe in order to distinguish different classes and ethnic groups, with the military uniforms being the most visible example. Frequent military campaigns in Europe resulted in the increasing demand and expansion of military uniforms, which later became the basis of the standardization of the men's clothing with uniforms. Third, the women's ready-to-wear clothing appeared later than their male counterpart and was made possible by the simplification of design, an important characteristic of women's wear in the later period. Fourth, the social characteristics of the ready-to-wear clothing can be traced to a democratic and egalitarian society without personal properties that was depicted in the book of Utopia by Thomas More. Fifth, one of the characteristics of the ready-to-wear clothing can be found in the description of Utopia, in which everyone in Utopia wears a clothing of the same form for life.