• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.52-74
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• 2015

The May 18 Democratic Movement has been considered to be specific case of the big deviation in social memory among the events that occurred after the Korea War. Compared with other events associated with the democratization movement, the May 18 Democratic Movement is special in that can be achieved various changed meaning. In this study, primary focus will be on the background and logics to show what changed the meaning of the May 18 Democratic Movement from the perspectives of the memorial project. And to investigate influences of change of meaning on perspectives and forms of memorial projects. Recognition and forms of memorial projects on the May 18 Democratic Movement had been largely changed around 2000s. Memorial projects were the aspects that are the logics of the social movements absorbed into the logics of the institutionalization before 2000s. During this period, it was done primarily the discourse of a holy ground for democracy and sanctuarization, had characterized the nature of the struggle of memory. After 2000s, the May 18 Democratic Movement has been interpreted historical resources to create a cultural city and a human rights city. Sometimes the May 18 Democratic Movement was appropriated by local development discourse, and sometimes was adopted as the material of differentiation strategy in the city. Form of memorial projects has also been changed type of struggle of memory to type of heritage industry.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.17-30
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• 2017

This study takes a close examination of the Saturday protest movement in Korea and explores how the politics by social movements challenges the extant theorization of democratization. The paper begins with a brief description of the presidential scandal, the eruption of massive protests, and its impact on formal politics. By situating the Korean case in a comparative theoretical discussion, it engages with important debates in the latest scholarship of democracy that complicate given assumptions and conceptualization. The paper closes with theoretical suggestions of how the Korean drama of protest movements contributes to altering the imagination of democratic politics, both conceptually and substantively.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.497-525
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• 2017

This study verified whether university students of Gwangju and Jeollanam-do recall negative information like violence and death faster than positive information like democratic community about the May 18 Gwangju democratic movement in implicit dimension. University students of Gwangju responded faster when the May 18 combined with the pictures of negative content. However, university students of Jeollanam-do responded marginally faster when the May 18 combined with the pictures of positive content. In addition, the students performed implicit evaluation test towards the May 18. The students of Gwangju showed a slightly negative attitude towards the May 18, while the students of Jeollanam-do showed a positive attitude towards the May 18. This study acquires significance because it confirmed that university students of Gwangju have an implicit representation similar to trauma and a terrible feeling about the May 18.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.29-64
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• 2018

This paper reviews the dynamics of growth and decline of Democratic Labor Union(Minju-nojo) Movement from the perspective of the conflicts among the industrial relations actors on the institutional incorporation of KCTU, a transformation of industrial relations institutes, and labor flexecurity in the change of political opportunity. The negotiations for the institutional incorporation of KCTU concluded in the 1997-98 labor laws. Since 1998, the conflicts and the compromises on the change of 1997-98 labor laws has continued. It was a kind of games for the transformation of the institutions of industrial relations and labor flexcurity. But the 1997-98 labor laws has shown the path-dependency. Since 2008, a cycle of the movement has entered a decline stage. The decline of Democratic Labor Union Movement came from the institutionalization of the movement, the change of political opportunity, and a generational change of 1987 cohorts group which has been the center of the movement.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.59-85
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• 2019

The Hong Kong's Anti-Ordinance Amendment Movement is the most serious radical social movement since the 1997 return, which has served as the promotion of the 2014 Occupy Central Movement and broken through the violence baseline. The movement came from a criminal case committed in Taiwan,which gave a good reason and motivation for the HK government to amend the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance. The HK government has responded to the protests by strictly limiting the legal scope and transfer procedure, even giving up the legislative motion. But the protests still say no and develop into the constantly violent activities. Many of the protests have committed the crimes in HK laws,part of whom have been arrested,prosecuted and under judicially judged. It is necessary for the offenders to be punished to protect the authority of rule of law in HK. Two different paths for HK have fought against each other since the 1997 return: one is the "democratic-welfare" path taken by the Pan-Democratic Camp, the other is the "Legal-development" path taken by the Pan-Establishment Camp. The second path shares some nuclear characteristics of the so-called The China Model mainly shaped from the 40-years Reforms and Openness. However, the HK people can't understand the China Model very well and show great fear and distrust on the judicial system of Mainland China. The foreign powers such as US and UK have illegally interfered the HK issues which are deemed to be the domestic affairs of China. The so-called Sino-UK Joint Declaration can't serve as the legal basis for the interference. Taiwan, as a part of China, also plays a negative role in this movement for its electoral and political interest. Up to now, the movement has gone down and the HK government has the legal capacity to solve the problems under the supports from the central government and the HK people. The HK people love its rule of law and order under the constitutional framework of One Country Two System. After the movement,One Country Two Systems will be go on, and the integrated development under the policies of the central government will be the main stream. However, the relevant problems exposed by this movement muse be checked and solved legally and strictly,especially concerning the social inequality and youth development.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.179-209
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• 2018

Three dacades of time have passed since the Korean labour movement experimented its political empowerment struggle. Generally it has failed for all some positive results. But unfortunately there were no critical and intellectual reflections regarding the failure within the labour movement. This study drew three conclusions. Firstly, the success or failure of political experiments was caused mainly by the labour regime changes of the Korean society. Secondly, the motive power was provided not by the progressive party, the Democratic Labour Party, but by the trade union movement and organization, the Minjoonochong. Lastly, the Candle-Light revolution in 2016 has produced some new conditions for the second stage of political empowerment praxis in Korean labour movement.

• Environmental Analysis Health and Toxicology
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• v.31
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• pp.20.1-20.7
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• 2016

• Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.385-399
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• 2001

In this study, the contexts and values of the movement called 'Science and Citizenship' during the 1930-50s are discussed in relation to the historical development of school science education in Britain and to the current STS movement in school science. A special attention is given to the activities and ideas of a then eminent biologist, Lancelot Hogben(1895-1975) who published a textbook-like science book, called "Science for the Citizen"(1938). From the beginning of the 20th century, there was a growing realization that British education system needed to be changed in order to provide school science teaching to a wider audience with more emphasis on the relevance, industrial and humanistic aspects of science. This was echoed by a lecture series called 'Science and Citizenship' which was reported in the School Science Review, then the only nationwide professional journal for science educators and by a group of professional scientists who had socialist ideas toward society. Hogben was one of the key member of the group and delivered the second lecture of 'Science and Citizenship', titled "Biological Instruction and education for Citizenship". Hogben's main idea, illustrated in this lecture as well as in "Science for the Citizen", was that science education should be a way of teaching citizen for promoting democratic society and to achieve that science need to be taught in more integrated, utilitarian and humanistic manners, for example by showing the usefulness, relevance, historical and democratic aspects of science. In addition, a summary of his own life and activities, the social background and socialist scientists of the time, and comparisons between 'Science and Citizenship' movement and the General Science movement in the UK as well as the progressive science education in the USA, and the STS education movement in 1980s are discussed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.75-115
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• 2015

This study is to describe the meaning of associations at $5{\cdot}18$-related photographic portrait phenomenologically. Referent in the photography arouses different and unique type of associations. Moreover, it appears differently emotional experience by the associations. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to describe types of associations and emotional experience about referents gained through $5{\cdot}18$ photography and to construct the meaning. It is based on concepts of primordial associations discussing in the phenomenology but this study was described the meaning of $5{\cdot}18$ the May 18th democratic uprising focusing on types of associations and meanings derived by direct experience from photography. According to this result, the viewpoint of $5{\cdot}18$ Democracy Movement approaches from objective academic system or cannot be withdrew as dynamics of the political ideology. It is that the fundamental and impulsive emotions from each individual who participated in the movement are affected. The fundament of the May 18th democratic uprising is based on their basis of life and the will to primitive power of a love & affective community.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.328-334
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• 2020

In this paper I proved that the intention of the movie is to put the reader at the crossroads of choice, which is still in progress, in this context confirmed that the storytelling is very enlightening and popular. This was demonstrated by the thing of making a story the charactor's Affects process itself in the story and a change in the point of view from witness to participant in the discourse. Jang Hoon seeks to reconstruct the Gwangju Democratic Movement through Kim Man-seop, a character who now lives here with trauma. Faced with a sympathetic message from a common and familiar figure around us, such as a taxi driver, it should be said that the goal was to get the audience to accept past gruesome incidents as part of us. The film uses Affects as a way to make the 1980s "Them" become "we" and replace the 37-year-old incident with our modern story. Soon, the film's intention is to turn Gwangju's Democratic movement from "There, Their Story" to "Here, Our Story." That's why popular storytelling was needed and concluded that it was the popularity the film acquired.