• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.21 no.8
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• pp.141-148
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• 2021

Project management is a current trend of management in the public sphere, based on different principles, methods and tools. The tools include information technologies providing control over time, cost, quality and planning process in order to ensure accountability to interested parties. The goal of the research was to examine the impact of the integration of information systems in project management of the public sphere on the quality of public governance and administration using the example of infrastructure projects involving the private sector in developing countries. The methodology of the research is based on the concepts of "digital-era governance" (DEG), "Information governance" and "project governance" to determine the effectiveness of information systems and technologies in the management of infrastructure projects in the public sphere. The data from the countries with Lower middle income (India, Indonesia, Philippines, Ukraine, Vietnam) and Upper middle income (Argentina, Brazil, China, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, Romania, Russian Federation, Thailand, Turkey) for 1996-2020 were used to study the effects of DEG. The results show two main trends in the countries with Lower middle income and Upper middle income. The first trend is the development of digital governance, the concept of "digital-era governance" through information systems and performance measurement of the governance system, forecasting of investment flows of infrastructure projects, measurement of payback and effectiveness parameters for investment management in the public sector, decision support. The second trend is the existence of systemic challenges related to corruption, social and institutional factors through the development of democracy in developing countries and the integration of NPM similar to developed countries. The confidence of interested parties, especially private investors, in public authorities is determined by other factors - the level of return on investment, risks and assignment of responsibility, probability of successful completion of the project. These data still remain limited for a wide range of project participants, including citizens.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.21 no.11
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• pp.73-78
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• 2016

All citizens will not be infringed communications rub. That can be seen to have the privacy freedom.lot (Internet of things) have released a security system in the era of information privacy appear that public safety and threat. Currently, Information and communication devices can be use criminal investigation, including search and seizure confirmed the fact communication of the communication restriction information storage medium for the common purpose of providing material system, the system provides data and communications. This paper focused on Privacy and open of information data by the Prosecutor and Police in korea. Privacy rights include that transparency information, communication, and protections for the rights of the individuals. It is necessary to be lawfulness of processing, individuals consent while Prosecutors investigations. especially we need explicit condition and National agency need to obtain in order to legitimize their processing of personal information data. The author emphasize are as follows: first, to examine Privacy rights information' necessity and problem, second, to understand Privacy rights and limits, third, to suggest improvements for the purpose of Transparency, codes of conduct and Democracy of information.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.159-190
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• 2019

This paper aims to examine to the political unconsciousness of social movies that have caused social repercussions in the 2010s, and to study the social imagination of Korean films at that time. Korean Movies such as (2013), <1987>(2017) and (2017) reflect the ethos of civil society based on common sense and justice. The epic structure was the same as that of ordinary citizens, who move toward a public space (court, square) after awakening their political correctness. More than anything else, the fact that such films were based on "a historical fact" could have been a strategy to avoid censorship in the era of the blacklist. In these social films, courts and squares have become places for democracy. The conservative government of the time was tired of anti-government resistance and the politics of the square. Thus, films from directors and producers blacklisted were difficult to produce. That's why the court in the movie during this period could become a symbolic proxy for the "legitimate" reenactment of the politics of the square, which was subject to censorship and avoidance by the regime of the time. Meanwhile, the square has gradually become the main venue for political films that advocate "historic true stories." The square of the 1980s, which appeared in the movies, will be connected to the Gwanghwamun candlelight square that audiences experienced in 2017. Furthermore, it was able to reach the concept of an abstract square as an "open space for democracy." At the foundation of these works is a psychological framework that equates the trauma of the failed democratic movement of the 1980s to the trauma of the failed progressive movement of the 2010s. Through this study, we were able to see that social political films in the 2010s were quite successful, emphasizing "political correctness" and constitutional common sense. But they also had limitations as "de-political popular films" that failed to show imagination beyond the censorship of the blacklist era.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.6
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• pp.27-50
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• 2008

This thesis examines contemporary Chinese painting after the Cultural Revolution(1966~76), focusing upon so-called "Chinese Pop art", which I termed as "Socialist Pop art". I considered the art of this period within the broader context of social changes especially after the Tienanmen incident of 1989. After the Cultural Revolution during which idolization of Chairman Mao was at its peak, one of the major changes in communist China was that an anti-Mao wave was generated in almost every social class. For example, novels that revealed the hardships during the Cultural Revolution were published. Posters that openly criticized the Maoism were also produced and displayed on the walls, and demand for democracy spurred widespread activist movements among young generations. These broad social changes were also reflected in art. A variety of art movements were introduced from the West to China, and after a period of experimentation with the new imported styles, artists began to apply the new artistic idiom to their works in order to visualize their own social and political realities they lived in. It was a shift from earlier Socialist Realism to a new expression either directly or indirectly, "Socialist Pop", an amalgam of Socialist Realism and Pop art tradition. After the 1989 crackdown of Tienanmen Square protest, when communist government quelled with brutal measures the students, workers, and ordinary people who rose for democracy, greater urge to protest the Deng Xiaoping regime emerged. This time coincided with the gradual emergence of art using Pop art vocabulary to satirize the social reality, the Socialist Pop art, along with many other art forms all with avant-garde spirit. One of the most frequent subjects of Chinese Pop art was visual images of Chairman Mao and his Cultural Revolution, and new China that was saturated with capitalism, which tainted the Chinese way of life with a Western way of consumerism and commercialism. The reason for the popularity of Mao's image was spurred by the "Mao Craze" in the early 1990's. People suddenly began to fall in a kind of nostalgia for the past, and once again, Mao Zedong was idolized as an entity who can heal the problems of modern China who had been marching towards their ultimate destination, the economic development. But this time Chairman Mao was no more an idol but just a popular, commercial product. He is no more an object of worship of almost religious nature but he has become an iconography symbolizing the complex nature of present Chinese society. During this process of depicting the social reality, Chinese artists are making the authority and sanctity of Maoism ineffective. Dealing with this new trend of contemporary Chinese art in view of "Socialist Pop art" two manners of re-creating Pop art can be illustrated: one that incorporates the propaganda posters of the Cultural Revolution; the other borrows from Chinese traditional popular imagery or mass media, such as photos taken during Mao era. What is worth mentioning is that these posters and photos of the Cultural Revolution can be identified as 'popular' media, as they were directed to educate the popular mass, thus combination of this ingenuous pop media with Western Pop art can be fully justified as a genre unique to China. Through this genre, we can discover a new chapter of the Chinese contemporary painting and its society, as their Pop art can be considered as self-portraits true to their present appearances.

• Journal of Korean Society of Industrial and Systems Engineering
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• v.4 no.4
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• pp.43-61
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• 1981

Interest in the Quality of working life is spreading rapidly and the phrase has entered the popular vocabulary. That this should be so is probably due in large measure to changes in the values of society, nowadays accelerated as never before by the concerns and demands of younger people. But however topical the concept has become, there is very little agreement on its definition. Rather, the term appears to have become a kind of depository for a variety of sometimes contradictory meanings attributed to it by different groups. A list of all the elements it if held to cover would include availability and security of employment, adaquate income, safe and pleasant physical working conditions, reasonable hours of work, equitable treatment and democracy in the workplace, the possibility of self-development, control over one's work, a sense of pride in craftsmanship or product, wider career choices, and flexibility in matters such as the time of starting work, the number of working days in the week, Job sharing and so on altogether an array that encompasses a variety of traditional aspirations and many new ones reflecting the entry into the post industrial era. The term "quality of working life" was introduced by professor Louis E. Davis and his colleagues in the late 1960s to call attention to the prevailing and needlessly poor quality of life at the workplace. In their usage it referred to the quality of the relationship between the worker and his working environment as a whole, and was intended to emphasize the human dimension so often forgotten among the technical and economic factors in job design. Treating workers as if they were elements or cogs in the production process is not only an affront to the dignity of human life, but is also a serious underestimation of the human capabilities needed to operate more advanced technologies. When tasks demand high levels of vigilence, technical problem-solving skills, self initiated behavior, and social and communication skills. it is imperative that our concepts of man be of requisite complexity. Our aim is not just to protect the worker's life and health but to give them an informal interest in their job and opportunity to express their views and exercise control over everything that affects their working life. Certainly, so far as his work is concerned, a man must feel better protected but he must also have a greater feeling of freedom and responsibility. Something parallel but wholly different if happening in Europe, industrial democracy. What has happened in Europe has been discrete, fixed, finalized, and legalized. Those developing centuries driving toward industrialization like R.O.K, shall have to bear in mind the human complexity in processing and designing the work and its environment. Increasing attention is needed to the contradiction between autocratic rule at the workplace and democratic rights in society.n society.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.185-212
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• 2017

The National League for Democracy (NLD) has restored a civilian government since the military had taken political power in 1962 as a result of general elections on 7, November 2015. But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could not take part in the presidential election due to some restraints in constitution, so new government created the state counsellor position and the ministry of sate counsellor's office against military's resistance. It never publicized whether the military has to back to barracks including abolish of military's occupying the parliament seats. The ruling party is still taking laissez-faire to the military's political and economic role. The National level Ceasefire Agreement called the 21st Panglong conference launched in the end of August for a week, but stakeholders only insisted their demands. Rohingya issue is not involved in the 21st Panglong conference which aims to achieve national unity. The U.S. fully lifted a comprehensive sanction toward Myanmar since 1993, Japan promised huge grant assistance succeeding the former quasi civilian government. China strived to restore alienated relations of two countries. Although Korea kept Official Development Assistance, the summit which was planed two times in 2016 did not hold. The civilian government announced twelve points of developmental agenda in July 2016, instead of destroying the national development policy of the Thein Sein government. This agenda only showed the direction of policy not road map which was the same trend of the former government. The main direction of economic development stressed agriculture but manufacture like light industry was ignored.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.55-91
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• 2021

This article dealing with the political participation of Argentine Conservative Protestants tried to examine the effect of such political participation on democratic values and order. To this end, it focused on the subject of religious equality and freedom, and issues of same-sex marriage and sex education. First, the demands of the Protestants, who insisted on the equal treatment of all religions by correcting the religious discrimination policies, a legacy of the colonial era and the military regime, are very natural and self-evident, when we presuppose the value of a democratic society based on political equality and human rights. It can be said that it has contributed to the democratization of society by aiming to solve the old problems of society. But when it comes to same-sex marriage and sex education, things are quite different. Without considering the social situations of the socially disadvantaged or minorities, or the legislative purpose of defending their rights, they insist on only their teachings of scriptures or ethics, even within Protestantism, there is a disagreement on interpretation. These theocratic views and exclusivist attitudes can seriously infringe on the human rights or freedoms of people of different religions, or different choices about marriage or sexuality, among other things. It can be a serious threat to democratic order and values.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.5-35
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• 2020

This article purposes to investigate opening process of the 21st National Assembly in the middle of severe conflicts between two major-parties, and predict the changes it will bring to the operation of the National Assembly. With incumbent party's taking all leadership positions of standing committees, it broke the practice since 13th National Assembly, that is, distribution of the standing committees based on the seat-ratio. It means that our National Assembly has entered a new phase in the decision-making process. While the incumbent party, with overwhelming victory in general election, emphasizes that it should dominate legislative process to support the government, the out-party claims that they should take leverage to check over government. Two opposing trends are characteristically observed in the operation of the Korean National Assembly. First of all, due to the experience under authoritarian regimes, the National Assembly has been institutionalizing decision-making processes in the direction of enforcing cooperation between parties. On the other hand, the polarization in political parties has been stronger, making it difficult to reach consensus between parties. This article claims strongly that the 21st National Assembly need to find a balance amid such two-conflicting trends. To do so, three necessary conditions are proposed: observing decision-making procedures, securing diversity within party and National Assembly, and deliberative legislative activities.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.98-110
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• 2008

Local cable channels has been contributing to settlement of grass root democracy and local business facilitation in decentralization era compared to other broadcasting media, and duly performs its role as local-tied media and produces local closeness type programs. But this is the time of need for change of perception by the producers, business entrepreneurs and relevant organizations on various production environment following process of conversion to digital cable TV. For successful settlement of local digital cable channels, this study has forecasted change on broadcasting production and organization following conversion of digital cable TV through the in-depth interview with people who produce and organize actual programs, and factors that interfere with digital cable TV conversion. Furthermore, the study learned plans to establish role and function of local cable channel as new close media to realize local value.

• Journal of Digital Contents Society
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.207-214
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• 2013

It was the 18th presidential election TV debate Twitter participation of SNS. Began to diverge as the era of social media, combined with SNS through in the mass media, media web 2.0. Search tweets, retweets, while the formation of policy issues, the agenda of Twitter users to listen to the statements of the candidates using the Internet or a smartphone. The highest number of tweets immediately issue statements were made. Content during the progressive tweets core keywords you do not often discussed, followed by the negative information increases the number of tweets has become a policy issue. Top retweets was to evaluate the process of debate, regardless of the issue. Tweeter complements the TV so Twitter has made public opinion. Smart phones and SNS Twitter, combined with the TV and the participation and direct democracy, voters vote one instrument was realized. Should forward approval ratings, real-time Twitter subtitles on the TV screen in TV debate Twitter influence in the election will be greatly expanded.