• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• 제9권1호
• /
• pp.23-41
• /
• 2010

In political science there is broad interest in whether a newly established democracy succeeds in overcoming the perils of democratisation and matures into a consolidated democracy or regresses to authoritarianism. Taiwan was under martial law for almost four decades. Democratic consolidation, therefore, is primarily a question of how to overcome the legacies of the former authoritarian regime. Nationalism and dysfunctional political institutions are some of the legacies that limit Taiwan's democratic development. The study of these destructive elements is important in the attempt to interpret Taiwan's most recent political history and to formulate effective democracy-building policies. In the following, I would like to address the aforementioned legacies and their implications for Taiwan's current and future democratic development.

• 중국학논총
• /
• 제65호
• /
• pp.215-234
• /
• 2020

This paper aims to analyze the recent consolidation of Xi Jinping's power in the context of political reform of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and reason out its implications. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP needed to adapt to the changing society, secure its legitimacy and reinforce its ruling power. Therefore, the CCP has practiced political reform focused on intra-democracy since 16th Party Congress in 2002. Intra-democracy in the CCP's collective leadership consists of two parts: a stable power succession, based on term limits and age limits, and a democratic management system, based on checks and compromises between political factions. Those mechanisms of intra-democracy are still functioning in the Xi Jinping era, which explains that the consolidation of Xi's power is the result of the agreement in the CCP. In other words, it is a short-term change to efficiently deal with challenges the CCP is facing.

• International Journal of Knowledge Content Development & Technology
• /
• 제7권1호
• /
• pp.23-55
• /
• 2017

Omani citizens participate in building the culture of democracy through the implementation of the legal deposit or the Law of Printing and Publishing. Legal deposit is the law that requires individuals and agencies who are responsible for printing and applying the law in Oman, whether they are publishers, printing houses or authors, to submit certain copies of their work or publications to a repository, usually a library. The present study aims to explore the reality of the Omani Law of Printing and Publishing and discover how the law defines the term "publications". In addition to the role of this law in building the Omani culture of democracy, the study uses an interpretive research paradigm of applied unstructured interviews and content analysis. Twenty-four printing houses were interviewed. The findings determined that definition of the term "publications", according to the law, is very general and covers different items, and the Law of Printing and Publishing plays an essential role in the building of Oman's culture of democracy. The study also found that all of the printing houses interviewed participated in creating the Omani culture by depositing the requested copies of their publications, although four of them had negative beliefs about the law of "Printing and Publishing". In addition, the study found (19=79.1%) of the sample interpreted the term "culture of democracy" in a positive way.

• 철학연구
• /
• 제148권
• /
• pp.49-72
• /
• 2018

이 논문에서 나는 동아시아에서 유교 전통이 왜 민주주의를 형성해내지 못했는지에 관한 문제를 논의하고자 한다. 제1장에서는 나는 유교의 다양한 형태를 논의하고, 이어서 민주주의를 정의하기 전에 가장 적합한 민주주의 형태를 제시할 것이다. 다음으로 나는 유교가 민주주의의 이상을 지니고 있다고 할지라도 이것이 민주주의적 제도 구조를 확보하지 못했기 때문에 민주주의를 창출할 수 없었다는 견해를 고찰해볼 것이다. 나는 이를 "무제도" 견해라고 부를 것이다. 하지만 이 견해에는 두 개의 형태가 존재하다. 먼저 하나는 약한 형태이다. 이 형태는 민주주의의 이론적 원천들이 유교에서 분명히 발견되지만 이 원천들은 민주주의 제도를 제공해주지 못했다고 주장하는 입장이다. 이 견해의 또 다른 형태는 강한 형태이다. 이 형태는 이론적 원천들이 유교 전통에 존재하지만 이 전통에는 민주주의 제도가 역사적 실재로서가 아니라 잠재성으로서만 존재하며, 따라서 이로 인해 유교전통이 민주주의를 생산하지 못한다는 입장이다. 셋째로 몇몇 사람이 주장하는 입장으로 '무이상적' 견해이다. 이에 의하면 유교는 단지 실천적 제도를 결여하고 있을 뿐만 아니라 민주주의의 이론적 이상도 결여하고 있다. 결론에서 나는 내가 왜 이들 견해를 모두 거절하고 나 자신의 견해를 제시하는지 그 이유를 논의할 것이다. 특히, 나는 유교와 민주주의 사이의 관계와 관련하여 혼합적인 견해를 제시할 것이다.

• 사회복지연구
• /
• 제42권1호
• /
• pp.31-54
• /
• 2011

본 논문은 건강보험정책결정과정에서의 참여민주주의를 중심으로 김대중·노무현 정부 복지국가 성격을 연구하였다. 참여민주주의는 한국 민주주의의 질적 발전 보다는 외환위기 이후 자본주의 구조조정을 위한 정치적 정당성 확보 전략에 의해 도입되었다. 따라서 참여민주주의가 복지국가 발전의 한 지표인 보장성강화를 획득해내는데 긍정적인 역할을 하였음에도 불구하고 신자유주의적 이념 추구, 국가재정책임성 미약, 정책결정과정에 가입자의 실질적인 참여 배제로 2007년 보장성강화정책은 결국 실패로 돌아가게 되었다. 과거 복지제도와 마찬가지로 김대중·노무현 정부 참여민주주의제도도 정치적 정당성 확보를 위해 도입되었으나 경제성장우선이데올로기의 제약하에서 운영되었다고 볼 수 있다. 그러나 참여민주주의제도는 '서비스'가 아닌 '권력'형태의 제도라는 점, 참여민주주의제도로 인한 권력의 부여가 보장성 강화요구를 통해 복지국가 발전에 긍정적인 역할을 하였다는 사실로 미루어 볼 때 김대중·노무현 정부가 과거 복지국가와는 차별적이다.

• 비교문화연구
• /
• 제20권
• /
• pp.203-210
• /
• 2010

Tolerance education must be based on the fact that tolerance like democracy cannot be achieved once and for all. Students must learn to constantly watch political and cultural processes for negative developments. Tolerance for others' values and behaviour can be learnt by studying previous historiographical views. The basic attitude to be learnt is repect for other cultures - within one's own culture as well as foreign cultures.

• 한국언론정보학보
• /
• 제16권
• /
• pp.207-254
• /
• 2001

This study is focused on forecasting the future of tole-democracy. Many Scholars expect that internet provides technological space needing realizing the tole-democracy or deliberate democracy. Especially in Korea, this expectation is higher than other nations because of political corruption and inefficiency. Therefore internet is intended to considering as new technologies reforming political process. In 16th the general election period, many candidates established home page and used as election campaign tool. And a little of home pages is payed attention to among voters. In spite of using internet as political medium, many political communication researchers have a doubt that internet will realize ideal direct democracy. It's reason is that internet is open and anonymous space. At anonymous space, communication participators is tended to be irresponsible and non-serious. Therefore it is hard that cyber-politics will be ideal type of democracy. In this context, this paper analyzed how pauicipators communicate with others at cyber bulletin board establishing candidate's home pages. Main research questions is how do discussions at cyberspace fulfill the conditions of deliberate democracy. Therefore, concrete questions include; who are participators at candidate's cyber bulletin board; which pattern do they communicate; what is the theme of communication; which effects do the anonymous character of cyberspace influence. To that purpose, this study conducted content analysis on 4,210 written matters at 82 cyber bulletin boards of candidate's home page establishing during 16th the general election period. It can be found that cyberspace in Korea still is not deliberate democracy space and not will be. Firstly, discussion patterns at cyber bulletin board is "candidate with supporters communication space. To be exact, it is said that candidate's home page is "the space of self-convincing among supporters." Secondly, the main themes of discussion are simple emotional expressions; "I support you!" "fighting" "Be vigor" etc. By contrast, real political contents'-central or local political matters - is relatively few. In the mode of expression, real political messages are more positive, logical than simple expressions, candidates private matters. Especially this characteristic will make cyberspace as "mutual slander space" consolidating anonymous characteristic of cyberspace. finally, Cyberspace in Korea still is not real "public sphere" realizing deliberate process. Therefore to be real public sphere, it is needed to participant's ethical maturity and political citizenship. In conclusion, it is difficult that cyberspace will reconstruct the Athene's Agora. On the contrary, Cyberagora will like to be irrespectable area fulfilling the sweeping. Making the deliberate space, technological possibility and ethical condition will have to be balanced together.

• 동아시아경상학회지
• /
• 제7권2호
• /
• pp.1-9
• /
• 2019

Purpose - This study aims to examine whether key differences in characteristics of unions have significant implications for absenteeism. To uncover what characteristics of union made workers make decisions to be absent, this study used such key dimensions of unionism as democracy, cooperative strategy of a union, and d density rate. Research design and methodology - The research model of this study is that absenteeism has positive relations with union's democracy and density. But it has negative relations with union cooperative strategy. This study was conducted by survey method on 333local unionized business entities of metal industry in South Korea. Results - The result shows that significant and positive relationship between unions with high density rates, democracy and absenteeism which is in line with the argument of the previous studies. Different from the expectation, the hypotheses 2, it has been shown that there is positive relation between cooperative strategy of union and the decision of workers to be absent. Conclusions - Employers with unions with high density rates could not fully exercise disciplinary power against those workers absent at workplace since a strong union shields them effectively from punishments by employers.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
• /
• 제9권1호
• /
• pp.3-24
• /
• 2021

Through an empirical comparative analysis, we found that people in mainland China and Taiwan demonstrate strong similarities in their support for democracy, based on democratic suitability, efficiency, preference, and priority. There are also differences in beliefs about democratic values. Compared to people in mainland China, the Taiwanese have a deeper and more widely shared belief in the principles of participation and pluralism, while the differences between their beliefs in the principles of equality, freedom, and checks and balances are narrow. Furthermore, people in mainland China and Taiwan have a strong similarity in their understanding of democracy, that is, they all present a mixed democratic understanding based on substantive bias. Overall, although the differences between mainland China and Taiwan's democratic practices are reflected in the level of value identification from the perspective of democratic support and democratic understanding, the popular democratic political culture in mainland China and Taiwan still has a relatively broad consensus. Thus, the integration and development of cross-strait relations not only has an increasingly profound social and economic foundation but also considerable consensus and mass support on the political and cultural level.

• 한국언론정보학보
• /
• 제30권
• /
• pp.89-119
• /
• 2005

PR커뮤니케이션이 기능주의적인 시각에서 벗어나서 다양한 패러다임 접근을 받아들이는 것은 하버마스의 사회비판이론이 도구적인 이성에서 벗어나 광범위한 의사소통 합리성을 추구하는 것과 유사한 맥락에서 이해될 수 있다. 기능주의 함정으로부터 하버마스가 광범위한 합리성 통합을 통해 해답을 찾는 것과 다양한 패러다임의 통합을 통한 'PR커뮤니케이션 민주주의'의 추구는 많은 유사성을 가지고 있다. 이 연구의 목적은 도구적 이성의 왜곡화로 인해 발생하는 현대사회의 병폐를 치유하기 위한 하버마스의 의사소통합리성 기획이 어떤 면에서 PR커뮤니케이션 이론의 패러다임 변화와 맞닿아 있는가를 밝히고, 그러한 두 분야의 유사성으로부터 새로운 PR커뮤니케이션 이론화의 가능성을 모색해 보는 것이다. 또한, PR커뮤니케이션을 통해서 하버마스 사회비판이론의 실천적인 측면을 탐색해 볼 수 있으며, 개인, 조직, 국가차원의 다양한 관계 속에서 대화의 진작, 사회 합의의 도출, 갈등의 해결, 공론 장의 확대와 같은 포괄적인 커뮤니케이션 합리성을 적용해 보는 계기를 마련해 볼 수 있다.