• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.27
• /
• pp.35-77
• /
• 2016

All humans are subject to death, and this creates a motivation to construct theories regarding divine immorality (神仙思想) in order to satisfy the human desire (慾望) for eternal life (長生) and the avoidance of death(不死). In the concept of Earthly immortality (地上神仙) from Daesoonjinrihoe (大巡眞理會), devotees do not carry out their work in a deep mountain ranges far removed from human society. Instead, they cultivate themselves in Dao from within the human society (自身修道), chant incantation to benefit others, aspire towards immortal status (神仙), and promote harmony between divine beings and humans (神人調和) all without ever leaving human society. In the Yeoju Headquarters of Daesoonjinrihoe, members created a new place called a "Dojang (道場 temple complex)" to live as immortal humans in the here and now while they chant incantations (呪文) as an act of participation in the Immortal Realm of the Later World (後天仙境). Some key religious and fengshui (geomancy) oriented symbols used within the Yeoju Headquarters of Daesoonjinrihoe appear as follows: first, Cheonggye Tower (靑溪塔) represents faith in traditional astrology (星宿神仰) and reverence for the God of the Nine Heavens (九天上帝). Second, Daesoonjinrihoe (大巡眞理會) emphasizes the Saturn associated earth element from five phases (五行土星) and this represent the Later World due to numerological associations. Third, the Fengshui of the Yeoju Headquarters of Daesoonjinrihoe is a highly propitious (吉地) and also accentuates the Saturn associated earth element from five phases. Fourth, Yeongdae (靈臺) in the Yeoju Headquarters of Daesoonjinrihoe faces west where Jeungsan will come accompanied by other gods (神命). Fifth, the Yeoju Headquarters of Daesoonjinrihoe is in charge of property and receives happiness and prosperity (福祿) through its Fengshui. The Yeoju Headquarters of Daesoonjinrihoe is an earthly paradise for immortals (地上天國) forged to achieve the ultimate purpose of transforming its members into the Dotong (道通, those enlightened in Dao and thereby successful in their every endeavor) of the Later World. In accordance with Daesoon thought, the Saturn associated earth element from five phases is positioned in the middle of incantations, and Yeongdae, other architecture, and landscaping has all been arranged to correspond with Daesoon geomancy and numerology (後天數理).

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.23
• /
• pp.241-292
• /
• 2014

This article as an attempt to analyze Jin-beop-joo(眞法呪, incantation of true law) and the view of Yang-wui Sangje(兩位上帝, Sangje in two Godship) corresponds to the second preliminary work prior to the research on the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe. The points of this article are as follows: First, Jin-beop-joo and 15 Godship(神位) based hereupon are one of the most essential elements comprising the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe. Since the other Jeungsan line religious orders except Daesoonjinrihoe does not use 15 Godship in explaining and understanding Jeungsan, this fact should be regarded as an important characteristic of Daesoonjinrihoe. Second, 15 Godship is the important installation to assemble Sangje and the other gods in the same place. In Buddhism temples and China-Taoism temples, the gods each are placed in a separate palace. Whereas Sangje and the gods are concentrated in the same place, Yound-Dae(靈臺) which is the shrine of Daesoonjinrihoe. This fact shows Sangje takes the reins to the gods visually. 15 Godship facilitates that system. Third, the number 15 of 15 Godship symbolizes the natural laws of the cosmos. Thus the shrine of Daesoonjinrihoe implies the law of universe emblematically. Forth, 15 Godship shows that the Highest God in Daesoonjinrihoe are located in the middle of the functional gods ruling over nature like mountain, sea, season, the Great Dipper, and Taoistic or Buddhistic gods like Ok-hwang Sangje(玉皇上帝, The Great Jade Emperor), Seoga-Yeorae(釋迦如來, Tathāgata Buddha), Kwan-seong-Jegoon(關聖帝君, Holy god Guan Yu), along with various envoys and ancestral gods. Besides, considering the fact that the majority of 15 Godship consists of the Eastern deities, it verifies the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe is built in the Eastern religions. Fifth, whereas the other Jeungsan line religious orders have a tendency of understanding Jeungsan as Ok-hwang Sangje, Daesoonjinrihoe worships Jeungsan as Gu-cheon Sangje(九天上帝), not as Ok-hwang Sangje. This accords with the following fact; Jeungsan is the highest ruling entity in Gu-cheon, whereas in Jinbeonju, which was handed down from Jeungsan, the highest ruling entitiy in Gu-cheon is expressed as a different being from Ok-hwang Sangje. Sixth, Daesoonjinrihoe understands Sangje as the form of two Godship, Yang-wui Sangje, which are Gu-cheon Sangje and Ok-hwang Sangje. Judging from the form of salutation, the status of these two Sangjes are the same. Yet, the object of belief is Gu-cheon Sangje as the highest God, while Ok-hwang Sangje is stipulated as the one who has wielded a true law succeeding to the Gu-cheon Sangje's will. The religious term of Yang-wui Sangje don't imply meaning Gu-cheon Sangje and Ok-hwang Sangje are the same rank. Yang-wui Sangje is the term expresses Sangje in two Godship and involves the orthodox heritage of Daesoonjinrihoe. Along with An Introduction to the Study of the Outlook on the Highest Ruling Entity in Daesoonjinrihoe (I), this article is written, while giving a thought to construct the religiography on the highest God in Daesoonjinrihoe. I hope this article accompanied with the previous one, can be contributed to the fertilization of the soil in the field of Daesoon religious studies.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.39
• /
• pp.99-136
• /
• 2021

Grievance-resolution pursues reconciliation, mutual beneficence, and consolidation. Accordingly, the concept of grievance-resolution is a norm, a principle, as well as an ideology that aims to realize an ideal society and satisfy human desires. Such ideological thought transcended into religious doctrine and was systemized by Jeungsan, Kang Il-sun. He focused on grudges that represented the intrinsic sentiment of Korea and apprehended that grudges are the grounds and reason for the devastation of the world. Furthermore, Jeungsan was a figure who reinterpreted the concept of grievance-resolution via a religious perspective through an in-depth study which transformed into a doctrinal system. He practiced the Reordering Works of grievance-resolution on a universal dimension to religiously redeem all things. Jeungsan completely resolved all the grudges and grievances that filled up the Three Realms (Heaven, Earth, and Humanity) through the concept of grievance-resolution and emphasized that he would establish an ideal society on earth to complete the redemption of human beings. Jeungsan apprehended that the essential characteristics of grudges and grievances were the fundamental reason for the destruction of the world. In this regard, he insisted that the redemption of the world should be achieved through the grievance-resolution. Grievance-resolution is an essential aspect and principle of Jeungsan's system of thought. In addition, it is a concrete approach to establish the earthly paradise of the Later World. Jeungsan implemented a method to redeem humankind by systemizing the intrinsic sentiments common in Korea - namely, the concept of grievance-resolution- and he suggested it as a religious practice which was the principle behind the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth. Jeungsan defined that his own era was a time of grievance-resolution. In addition, he insisted that grievances and grudges had existed from the beginning of humankind. Jeungsan also said that there were grievances and grudges in heavenly planes, human planes, and underworldly planes. It was thereby necessary to do beneficial deeds for others and reciprocate beneficence in order to resolve grievances. He emphasized that a process wherein all human desires could be satisfied was essential. Furthermore, Jeungsan stressed that this present time should focus on the process of grievance-resolution on a practical level.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.38
• /
• pp.47-82
• /
• 2021

At the age of 15, Song Gyu, the second patriarch of Won Buddhism, met Jeungsan-gyo members and was substantially influenced by them. Jeongsan cultivated himself for three months in Mount Gaya based on their recommendations. He instructed his family members to practice reciting the Tae-eul Mantra. Henceforth, Jeongsan was said to attain supernatural power when he was around 18 years old, and he pursued the traces left by Jeungsan in Jeolla Province. Once there, he asked Jeungsan's younger sister to move to his hometown, Seongju, Gyeongsang Province, and he served her with his utmost sincerity. He went back to the birthplace of Jeungsan and received a Daoist book from Jeungsan's daughter titled, Essentials for an Upright Mind (正心要訣). Jeongsan practiced holy works for 10 months at Daewon-sa Temple in Mount Moak where Jeungsan was said to have attained unification with the Dao. After he had met Jeungsan-gyo members at the temple, he was able to stay in her house where he ended up meeting So Taesan. Before their meeting, it is obvious that Jeongsan was a member of Jeungsan-gyo. Afterward, Jeongsan entered into Won Buddhism and used the passage, 'saving lives by curing the world (濟生醫世).' He recited the writing of Jeungsan, which had been given to his disciples, as if it had been a mantra. In addition, he mentioned Jeungsan's poems or the Chinese poems that he had quoted many times. Jeongsan also interpreted passages from The Hyunmu Scripture (玄武經) written by Jeungsan in a unique manner. Jeongsan answered his disciples in his own way when they asked questions on the teachings of Jeungsan. He recognized Jeungsan as one of the Three Primes, who presided over the Great Opening.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.37
• /
• pp.141-190
• /
• 2021

In early modern Korea, the founders of three main-stream indigenous new religions, Choi Je-woo (崔濟愚), Kang Il-sun (姜一淳), and Park Jungbin (朴重彬), were all ruined yangban, who could no longer maintain the social dignity of yangban. Prior to their regular religious activities, they earned livings as rural teachers, peasants, merchants, and fortune-tellers. They were marginalized for having declined from upper-class nobles to lower-class people. Due to their subalternal status, they religiously represented the inexpressible aspirations and resentments held by various subalterns. The millennial movements of marginal religions in the late Joseon Dynasty exposed and deviated from the fetters of the established order, but they did not propose a new alternative order to replace it. Unlike these millennial movements, Choi Je-woo, Kang Il-sun, and Park Jungbin all proposed utopian visions of post-subalternal alternative religions that systematically presented and practiced new alternative worldviews characterized by the "Great Opening of the Later World (後天開闢)." The world they longed for was one wherein anti-subalternal social regulation were overthrown, the oppression of various subalterns end, and the established social order was replaced. In this article, I have argued that three main-stream indigenous Korean new religions, Donghak (Eastern Learning), the Jeungsan-inspired religious movements, and Wonbulgyo (Won Buddhism) are utopian alternative religions. I made this argument by analyzing some aspects by which they represented subalterns and offered subalterns a new religio-social status.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
• /
• v.1 no.2
• /
• pp.41-59
• /
• 2022

Caodaism is a new religion from Vietnam which began in late 1925 and spread rapidly across the French colony of Indochina. With a broad syncretic aim, the new faith sought to revivify Vietnamese religious traditions whilst also incorporating religious, literary, and spiritist influences from France. Like Catholicism, Caodaism kept a strong focus on its monotheistic nature and today Caodaists are eager to label their religion a monotheism. It will be argued here, however, that the syncretic nature of this new faith complicates this claim to a significant degree. To make this argument, we will consider here the nature of God in Caodaism through two central texts from two important stages in the life of the religion. The first is the canonized Compilation of Divine Messages which collects a range of spirit messages from God and some other divine voices. These were received in the early years of the faith. The second is a collection of sermons from 1948/9 that takes Caodaist believers on a tour of heaven, and which is entitled The Divine Path to Eternal Life. It will be shown that in the first text, God speaks in the mode of a fully omnipotent and omniscient supreme being. In the second text, however, we are given a view of paradise that is much more akin to the court of a Jade Emperor within an East Asian milieu. In these realms, the personalities of other beings and redemptive mechanisms claim much of our attention, and seem to be a competing center of power to that of God. Furthermore, God's consort, the Divine Mother, takes on a range of sacred creative prerogatives that do something similar. Additionally, cadres of celestial administrators; buddhas, immortals, and saints help with the operation of a cosmos which spins on with guidance from its own laws. These laws form sacred mechanisms, such as cycles of reincarnation and judgement. These operate not in the purview of God, but as part of the very nature of the cosmos itself. In this context, the dualistic, polytheistic, and even automatic nature of Caodaism's cosmos will be considered in terms of the way in which they complicate this religion's monotheistic claims. To conclude, this article seeks to demonstrate the precise relevance of the term 'monotheism' for this religion.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.32
• /
• pp.201-236
• /
• 2019

Heroes are the subjects who discover hope and provide people with courage and wisdom. At the same time, heroes have been known to renovate individuals and even societies on various dimensions throughout history. In recent times, a new academic field called 'heroism science' has emerged, leading to an era which focuses on their positive social functions and roles as reflected by war heroes from ancient times to ordinary civic heroes. However, attention is rarely paid to the ways in which their heroic acts have sometimes resulted in ethical problems such as the exertion of negative influences or the degradation of morality. Specifically speaking, people affected by the acts of heroes include not only beneficiaries but also specific subjects who could be considered victims. In a broad sense, the results caused by heroic acts could have an influence on harmony and unity in societies, the hero's nation, or even the entirety of the universe, and this is often overlooked. Given these realities, this study aims to understand how heroic acts simultaneously imply a positive side wherein cosmic restoration or reform are practiced and a negative side which carries out the destruction of life or the birth new disorders. In other words, the limitations of heroism is also worth consideration. To conduct this study, research on heroes will be comprehensively studied from various academic perspectives through previous documents on this subject. Western concepts that relate to heroes and heroic acts will be also illustrated. Reflections on Jeungsanist Thought, Korean heroes, and the limitation of heroes in the Former World will also be elucidated. Lastly, this study will discuss an authentic heroic figure that can be held up as an exemplary role model.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.25_1
• /
• pp.1-22
• /
• 2015

This paper took Jeonkyeong (典經) of Daesunjinrihoe(大巡眞理會) as the basic text and studied how Kangjeungsan(姜甑山), the Sangje (上帝), had embraced Chinese myth in process of formation of his religious thought focusing on Yan Emperor(炎帝) Shennong(神農) myth and Shanrangang(禪讓) myth (namely Danchu myth). First when we examine the myth surrounding Kangjeungsan's birth, it deeply emraced a feeling-birth myth(感生神話), we could realize that this is a universe motif through myth of hero birth in East Asia. Further judging from the analysis of geographic space of Kangjeungsan's activity, it included a variety of mythical and Daoist related place names. I think this is because of the fact that birth place of Kangjeungsan and the surrounding area is the locality of Xian(仙) tradition where major characters of Danhak sect(丹學派) have been turned out, and that Korean way of Xian suppressed by the regulatory system has been widely rooted in the public. Especially it's interesting that Jeungsan, the pen name of Kangjeungsan, ambiguously connotes Siru mountain(甑山), a place of his training, and the spiritual realm of the 『Zhouyicantongqi(周易參同契)』. Then I examined the God of fire Shennong myth which has been actively admitted and embraced by Kangjeungsan. Kangjeungsan put the root of his pedigree on Shennong and there is a close affinity between Shennong and Dongyi(東夷) such as Buyeo(夫餘), Goguryeo(高句麗), etc. These Dongyi spirits are losers against the Chinese major myth and beings of ressentiment. At the same time the predecessor of Jiutianyingyuanleishengpuhuatianzun(九天應元雷聲普化天尊) who shares mythical characteristics with the God of fire Shennong was a formerly Taishi(太師) Wenzhong(聞仲) of Yin(殷) dynasty. He was defeated and died by Zhou(周) dynasty, and was deified. The fact that Kangjeungsan regarded himself as a descendent of Shennong and possessed divinity of Jiutianyingyuanleishengpuhuatianzun connotes that he represents all beings of ressentiment such as family of Yin and Dongyi. However, Kangjeungsan set a religious milestone by turning revenge for such ressentiment at tribe level into religious sublimation. At the end Shanrang myth which has been critically embraced by Kangjeungsan was reviewed. According to the existing Shanrang myth, Danchu(丹朱) was unworthy and not succeeded in the succession to the throne. Then good natured Emperor Shun(舜) succeeded to the throne from Emperor Yao(堯). However, the reality of Shanrang myth was a violent change of sovereign power and Danchu was a victim in the process of such violent change. Kangjeungsan shrewdly grasped the reality of ancient China and cast light on presence of Danchu. And he emphasized the need of religious sublimation of revenge, Haewon(解冤). His such awareness of culture had a close relation with revisionist standpoint of independent Danhak sect expressing a skeptical glance at systematic, commensurate and authentic historical view of Chinese civilization. And further Kangjeungsan cosmologically and causationally reinterpreted revenge of Danchu. He established a universal salvation theology which has a corresponsive connotation in regard to embracement of Shennong myth. In conclusion, embracement of Chinese myth by Kangjeungsan was a creative work of reinterpretation resulting in an inherent religious connotation through a process of appropriation, that is independent and selective introjection.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.17
• /
• pp.173-196
• /
• 2004

Miroku belief observed in Japanese folklore and popular religions is originated from the faith in a bodhisattva called Miroku (Maitreya) who, depending on Buddhist account, is supposed to appear in this world to save all mankind. This faith, together with the millenarianism inherent in it, was disseminated into many areas of East and Southeast Asia. It developed in various ways, being associated with the religious tradition of each area where it was accepted. In Japanese folklore and popular religions the aspiration for the "World of Miroku", the ideal world expected to be realized in the future, has been its most notable feature. This paper examines the notion of the "World of Miroku" developed in the cult of Mount Fuji in early modern Japan. In particular this paper focuses on the "World of Miroku" appearing in the teachings of Fuji-ko and Fujido, which were the organizations of lay believers. Through the examination this paper made the following facts clear. (1) The notion of the "World of Miroku" developed by Fuji-ko and Fujido had its bases in Miroku belief of Japanese folklore. (2) However the notion of the "World of Miroku" in the teachings of Fuji-ko and Fujido was quite different from that of the folklore. While the "World of Miroku" appearing in the folklore is characterized by good harvest and abundant gold and silver, Fuji-ko and Fujido leaders thought that all people, including the emperor and the shogun, would earnestly carry out their house business, do their best to promote the happiness of the others, and pray for the salvation of all mankind in the "World of Miroku". (3) The notion about the changes of the world, which was particular to Fuji-ko and Fujido, accounts for such development in the concept of the "World of Miroku". According to the notion the current world was recognized as the second stage, between the original world in the past and the "World of Miroku" in the future, in the history of human beings. This idea helped the leaders of Fuji-ko and Fujido to develop the theories of world renewal, in which the wrong doings of the rulers and poor morality of the people were to be corrected in the "World of Miroku". (4) One of the most important features of the "World of Miroku" was the equality between men and women according to the teachings of Fujido. Both Fuji-ko and Fujido had opposed to the prevailing view of women, in which women were regarded as being sinful and polluted. Fujido further tried to improve the status of women in their families and the society. (5) In accordance with such an innovatory view, Fujido challenged the custom of excluding women from sacred places, Mount Fuji in particular. Through clarifying these facts this paper shows that Miroku belief could function as a basis for developing the ideas concerning the world renewal in early modern Jap

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.18
• /
• pp.101-122
• /
• 2004

When people discuss the continental cultural elements in the ancient East Asian culture, people always attach great importance to the two major cultures of Confucianism and Taoism, but offer little explanation to the significant influence of the theory of yin and yang, the important philosophical base of the two major cultures. The theory of yin and yang, existing as the theoretical source at a profounder level, possesses philosophical connotations that are always embedded into the mainstream of thought, religions and customs, displaying its unique glamour in its unique way. Its influence is more than that, however. It has exerted far-reaching influence on and is of significant importance to the development of the ancient culture of East Asia. This article aims at exploring this field of study. After the erudite scholar of The Five Classics made a voyage to the east in the early sixth century, The Book of Changes, the most important Chinese ancient classic expounding the theory of yin and yang, started to circulate among the Japanese court, via Baiji in the Korea Peninsula. As a result, the theory of yin and yang found its way to Japan. Examining the spreading channels, we learn that the theory's dissemination was largely related to the activities of Buddhist monks. Shoutoku Prince, regent of Japan at the time, was himself an enthusiastic supporter of Buddhism and was excelled in the study of The Book of Changes and the theory of yin and yang. In the Twelve Ranks System and Seventeen-article Constitution promulgated by Shoutoku Prince, the influence of the theory of yin and yang and of the theory of the five elements can be visibly discerned. This obviously proves the sublime status of the Chinese theory of yin and yang in Japan, thanks to the victory of the political clique that adored Buddhism. In the shaping course of ancient Japanese culture, the theory of yin and yang served as an important philosophical source of its development. Mythology based on Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, two earliest Japanese books that exist today, record mythological stories about the emergence of the Japanese nation. The notion about the birth of heaven and earth and the forming of Japanese Shinto, expressed in the mythological stories, not only tell us the source and historical progress of the Japanese nation but also the nation's world outlook in the transition from barbarian period to civilized period, as well as the basis for its philosophical thinking. All these were marked with profound influence of the Chinese theory of yin and yang. The theory of yin and yang, as one of the ancient Chinese academic thoughts, was accepted asa political belief when it first spread to Japan. The emergence and establishment of both the Mikado system and the centralized regime in ancient Japan drew largely on the theory of yin and yang and adopted it as an important philosophical basis to deify and aggrandize the "imperial power" so as to protect the authority of the imperial ruling and consolidate the established regime. Following the continuous strengthening and expansion of the centralized state power, the theory of yin and yang was further employed, and gradually "hidden" in Japanese culture with the passage of time, finally becoming the edge tool of ancient Japanese Mikados in exercising political power and controlling the country.