• Archives of Pharmacal Research
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• v.27 no.10
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• pp.1065-1072
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• 2004

Depression is associated with a dysfunctional serotonin (5-hydroxytryptamine; 5-HT) system. More recently, several lines of evidence suggest that an important factor in the development of depression may be a deficit in the function and expression of $5-HT_{1A}$ receptors. The present study assessed if Nelumbinis Semen (N. s.) had an anti-depression effect through reversing a decrease in $5-HT_{1A}$receptor binding in rats with depression-like symptoms induced by chronic mild stress. Using a $5-HT_{1A}$ receptor binding assay, with a specific $5-HT_{1A}$receptor agonist, 8- OH-DPAT (8-hydroxy-2-(di-n-propylamino) tetralin), the mechanism of the anti-depression effect of N. s. on rats was investigated, and the effects compared with two well-known antidepressants, Hyperium Perforatum (St. Johns Wort) and fluoxetine (Prozac). Animals were divided into five groups: the normal (N) group without chronic mild stress (CMS), the control (C) group under CMS for 8 weeks, the Nelumbinis Semen (N. s.) treatment group under CMS for 8 weeks, the Hyperium Perforatum (H. p.) treatment group under CMS for 8 weeks and finally, the fluoxetine (F) treatment group under CMS for 8 weeks. Each treatment was administered to rats during the last 4 weeks of the 8-week CMS. A sucrose intake test was performed to test the anti-depression effect of N. s. The N. s. treatment significantly reversed the decreased sucrose intake under CMS (P<0.05 compared to control group under CMS). In the CA2 and CA3 regions of the hippocampus, both N. s. and H. p. reversed the CMS-induced decrease in $5-HT_{1A}$receptor binding. In the I to II regions of the frontal cortex, N. s. and H. p. also reversed the CMS-induced decrease in$5-HT_{1A}$receptor binding, and even showed a significant increase in $5-HT_{1A}$receptor binding compared to the F treatment group (N. s. vs. P, p<0.05, H. p. vs. P, p<0.05). However, in the hypothalamus, all treatments reversed the CMSinduced decrease in $5-HT_{1A}$receptor binding. This reversal effect of N. s. on the decrease in $5-HT_{1A}$receptor binding in the frontal cortex, hippocampus and hypothalamus of rat brains was very similar to that of H. p, but different from that of F. It is concluded that N. s. presents an anti-depression effect through enhancing $5-HT_{1A}$receptor binding.

• Journal of Life Science
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.131-135
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• 2006

Oligopeptide is known to be an essential nitrogen nutrient for bacterial growth. Oligopeptide can be transported into cytoplasm by a specific transport system, Opp system. Opp system is composed of five proteins, which are transcribed by an operon. These are responsible for oligopeptide binding protein (OppA), permease (OppB and OppC) and energy generation system (OppD and OppF), respectively. Previously, we isolated the opp operon from Vibrio fluvialis and constructed the oppA mutant by allelic exchange method. In this study, we investigated the growth pattern and biofilm production under the different growth condition. When the cells were cultivated using brain heart infusion(BHI) medium, the wild type was faster than the mutant in growth during the exponential phase. However, it showed that the growth pattern of two strains in M9 medium is very similar. The growth of wild type showed better than that of the mutant grown at pH 8. At pH 7, there was no an obvious difference in growth. After 5 mM $H_2O_2$ was treated to the cells $(OD_{600}=1.2)$, the cell survival was examined. The oppA mutation did not affect in survivability. In the presence of $10{\mu}g/ml$ polymyxin B, the biofilm production of the oppA mutant was higher than that of the wild type.

• Annals of Hepato-Biliary-Pancreatic Surgery
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.70-79
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• 2024

Backgrounds/Aims: After pancreatoduodenectomy (PD), an early oral diet is recommended; however, the postoperative nutritional management of PD patients is known to be highly variable, with some centers still routinely providing parenteral nutrition (PN). Some patients who receive PN experience clinically significant complications, underscoring its judicious use. Using a large cohort, this study aimed to determine the proportion of PD patients who received postoperative nutritional support (NS), describe the nature of this support, and investigate whether receiving PN correlated with adverse perioperative outcomes. Methods: Data were extracted from the Recurrence After Whipple's study, a retrospective multicenter study of PD outcomes. Results: In total, 1,323 patients (89%) had data on their postoperative NS status available. Of these, 45% received postoperative NS, which was "enteral only," "parenteral only," and "enteral and parenteral" in 44%, 35%, and 21% of cases, respectively. Body mass index < 18.5 kg/m² (p = 0.03), absence of preoperative biliary stenting (p = 0.009), and serum albumin < 36 g/L (p = 0.009) all correlated with receiving postoperative NS. Among those who did not develop a serious postoperative complication, i.e., those who had a relatively uneventful recovery, 20% received PN. Conclusions: A considerable number of patients who had an uneventful recovery received PN. PN is not without risk, and should be reserved for those who are unable to take an oral diet. PD patients should undergo pre- and postoperative assessment by nutrition professionals to ensure they are managed appropriately, and to optimize perioperative outcomes.

• Advances in pediatric surgery
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.75-81
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• 1999

A survey on the intestinal atresias was made among 34 members of Korean Association of Pediatric Surgeons. The response rate was 82.4 %. Two hundred and fifteen patients from the January 1, 1994 to December 31, 1996 were analyzed. The lesions were 73 cases of duodenum(DA), 72 cases of jejunum(JA), 71 cases ileum(IA) and 2 cases cecum and sigmoid colon respectively. There were 2 cases of combined anomalies (DA + JA + IA and DA + JA). Male to female ratio was 1:1 in DA, and 1.8:1 in JA. Seventy four cases(34.3 %) were premature babies(DA 35.2 %, JA:48.6 %, IA:19.2 %), and 62 cases(28.7 %) had low birth weight (DA:39.4 %, JA 33.0 %, IA:13.7 %). Antenatal diagnosis was made in 92 cases(43.6 %). However 22 cases (23.9 %) of them were transferred to pediatric surgeon after delivery. Maternal polyhydramnios was observed in 63 cases(28.9 %). Seventy· five cases(34.4 %) were taken only simple abdominal film for diagnostic studies. The associated malformations were observed in 54 aresia and were observed more frequently in DA(35 cases, 47.9 %). Meconium peritonitis due to intrauterine bowel perforation was more frequently associated with IA compared to DA and JA. The overall mortality rate was 30 %. (Abbreuations: $P_{T}$;p-value in total, $P_{DJ,DI,JI}$;p value between two groups among duodenal, jejunal and ileal groups).

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.73-105
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• 1993

To say nothing of the orient and the west, the human beings discover the method of Jin Mac(診脈) by the way that observe disease. But oriental medicine devise special method of Jin Mac(診脈) in the study of Kyoung Mac(經脈). Although sip-ei Kyoung Mac Jin(十二經脈診), Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診), Chon Kwan Chuck Jin(寸關尺診) namely Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac (六部定位診脈) that is used today are devised, it has changed naturally by the changing treatment and the introduction of Yuin Yang(陰陽) and five element(五行). Many methods dg Jin Mac(診脈), it had not developped successing alternative, it had developped of declined by it's own way. 1. Results for the birth of Mac(脈) 1) Mac(脈), it means Kyoung Mac(經脈), at first entirelly Mac(脈), is seized a blood vessel that flows in the body. As presumed today, after finding many acupunture point, a general idea of Mac(脈) is not maked by the line that connect point and point, it connect between acupunture point and acupunture point. 2) Like blood flows in Hyul Mac(血脈), Gie(氣) flows in Kyoung Mac(經脈). The two things relate deeply each other. In a general idea or actrally Kyoung Rak(經洛), the two things sometimes accord, sometimes seperate, sometimes mix alternative. 3) Hyul Mac(血脈) and Kyoung Mac(經脈), we call it Mac(脈) entirely Kyoung Mac(經脈), is a way that manifest disease through Kyoung Mac(經脈) or a boundary that disease belongs to it method of Mac Jin(脈診) individual that disease of Kyoung Mac(經脈) is diagnosed by the jumping situation of Hyul Mac(血脈). 4) In method of Moxa, athough the pathology and the diagnostic of Mac(脈) are created by finding Mac(脈). Finding acupunture have opportunitty fot Mac Jin(脈診) and treatment. 2. Results of Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(經脈脈診) 1) In theory of kyoung Rak(經洛), disease are resumed for malfunction of Young Wee(榮衛) that flows in Kyung Rak(經洛). So to speak, in treatment of Kyoung Rak area, the purpose of diagnosis observe the situation of disease and cause. For fitting the purpose of diagnosis, the dead had esatablised four-diagnosis method mangMunMnnJeul(望聞問切), in four-diagnosis(四診法), the core is Mac Jin(脈診). 2) sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診) had existed as Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(經脈脈診), it precedes Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診). In Young Ki Gu Mac(人迎脈口診). 3) Although Bu Yang Mac(趺陽脈), So Um Mac(少陰脈) is a part of Sip-ei Kyoung Mac(十二經脈診), they developped especially because they located in the point of Won Hyul(原穴) and they are convenient for diagnose. 4) Sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診), which belongs to Bu Yang Mac(趺陽脈) and So Urn Mac(少陰脈), is not important for the comming age medical books compared with Mac Kyoung(脈經). 3. Results gor Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) 1) Mac Jin(脈診) of Sam Bu Gu Who(三部九候), which is noted in the theory of Sam Bu Gu Who(三部九候診) of So Mun(素問), belongs to Kyoung Mac Mac Jin's(經脈脈診) geneology, Sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診) is arranged, simplicated by the idealogy three talents(三才思想) in the heaven and the earth. 2) What Sam Bu Gu Jin(三部九候診) is regardded as very important in So Mun(素問), the editor of So Mun(素問) recognize the meaning that one discover disease early in this method of diagnosis. 3) After Young chu(靈樞), Nan Kyoung(難經) it is lacked the method of Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) in the books that treatment has changed. Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) based on actually clinic appropriate. 4. results for In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) 1) In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) is the method of comparative Mac Jin(脈診) according to the theory of Yin Yang(陰陽), it is presumed after Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), it had perished in parallel with the development of the theory of five elelment(五行). The development of the acupunture, the perishment of the treatment of negative(刺絡). 2) In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診), Wang Suk Wha(王叔和) recreated that the left is In Young(人迎), the right is Kie Gu(氣口). In future generations by Jin Mu Taek(陳無擇) who is the writer of Sam In Bang(三因方). In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) is a measure for disease which classify it's inside and outside cause. 5. Results for Chon Gu Mac Jin(寸口脈診) 1) What we say Mac Jin(脈診) of Chon Gu(寸口) two means are used in commn. First case, we simply say the area of Chon Gu(寸口), second case, we say Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸口尺診) reducingly. Chon Gu(寸口) is the area which is the radial artery of wrist joint. What we attemp diagnose by only Chon Gu Mac(寸口脈), it is clearly shoued in the method of Nan Kyoung, five Nan(難經五難). 2) Because Jin Mac(診脈) is made in only Chon Gu(寸口), that is the area in which is concentated Kyoung Kee(經氣). That is the birth of Jin Kee(眞氣) and Jin Kee(眞氣) is related with disease. We can diagnose disease by taking Chon Gu(寸口). 3) Chuk Jin(尺診) in Nae Kyoung(難經) have two things. One is Il Chuk(一尺), the other is Chon Kwan Chu(寸關尺). 4) Chuk Chon Jin(尺寸診) is the method which diagnose the difference of point and the condition of Mac(脈) by dividing a part of Chuk(尺) in the area of Chon Gu(寸口). In Chon Gu Jin(寸口診), by introducing the theory of Yin Yang(陰陽), the method of Chon Gu Jin(寸口診) is developed by chon Gu Jin(寸口診). 5) What Chuk Kwan Chon Jin(寸關尺診) is that area of the Chon Gu(寸口) are divided fot three point, we can diagnose. By consulting Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), developping of the method of acupunture, utilzing the theory of five element(五行) it is devised by concentrating way of thinking of the method mac Jin(脈診) exiting. 6) Chon Kwan Chuk Jin MaC(寸關尺診脈) begin from Nae Kyoung(內徑) exiting. After Nan Kyoung(內徑), spread out widely from Mac Kyoung(脈診) of Wang Suk wha(王叔和), the future medicins followed it. Yang Hyun Jo(楊玄操) and established Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診) which is used widely today. This right and left Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診), we call it method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈). 7) We can think the base which presume the arrangement of the viscera for Chon Kwan Chuk(寸關尺) of the right and the left. 8) The origin, which seperate the right and the left of Mac(脈), is showed at the treory of Ji Jin Yo Dae(至眞要大論) in So Mun(素問) which Chon Chuk(寸尺) seperate the right and the left. But the method of diagnosis in Nan Kyoung(難經) have no seperation the fight and the left. Otherwise this. there is clearly writtened the seperation for the right origin of the method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈) seek for Cang Gong(倉公). 9) Yang Hyun Jo(楊玄操) notice that the Chuk(尺) is mentioned for Sam Cho(三焦) in the method of Mac Kyuong(脈經), Sim Po Kyung(心包經) which put together with Sam Cho(三焦) allot on this, he had established the method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈). 10) On the method of Paen Jak Yin Yang Mac(扁鵲陰陽脈) in Mac Kyoung(脈經), equal article exist with the theory of Pyung In Kee Sang(平人氣象論) in So Mun(素問). When Wang Suk Wha(王叔和) write Mac Kyung(脈經), we can presume that the book of Mac(脈) which Paen Jak(扁鵲) had experienced the origin have exited besides So Mun(素問), Young Chu(靈樞). If so he must be make Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診) very fairly standard. So Nae Kyoung(內經), which must be fllowed the method of Paen Jak Mac(扁鵲脈), do the method diagnosis of Chon Kwan Chuk(寸關尺), diagnise of disease and treat.