• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.1-56
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• 2009

It is generally acknowledged that Philippines politics has achieved a basic soil for democracy at the macro-level by the two incidents of 'People Power' (1986 & 2001). However, in spite of such an achievement, Philippine politics at the micro-level, does not enjoy the same reputation. Institutionalized 'Bossism' or 'patron/clientelism' political culture has been attributed to make such a gap. This paper aims to bridge the gap by a longitudinal observation on local politics of a particular province in the Philippines. Surigao del Norte is the province picked up for the study. The reason why this particular province attracts special concerns is that there appears to come a very dynamic local politics, led by an indigenous Christian organization, the PBMA (Philippines Benevolent Missionary Association), which was founded in the mid 1960s. With the coming of the organization in the province, the political power of the traditional families has been narrowed. On the other hand, new families, not only the leader family of the PBMA but also the family allied with the PBMA, has expanded political influence. Following steps are adopted to understand the meaning of such a change. First, institutional frame of Philippine politics and elections will be reviewed. Second, demographic changes will be investigated on Surigao del Norte province to find out how popular the PBMA organization is among the people. Third, local election outcomes will be examined to describe the changing nature of political landscape of the province. This will reveal how the relationship between the old and new families has been developed in the province. Lastly, based on the facts discovered by a longitudinal observation, an attempt to evaluate theories on Philippines politics will be made Conclusions are as follows. To understand the dynamics of Philippine politics, 'expectations from the below,' or, 'passions of the people,' suggested by Ileto, needs more attention. Furthermore, 'mutual accommodation' between domination and resistance, coined by Abinales, also demands more appreciation. The case of local politics in the Surigao del Norte, with the coming of the PBMA, is sure to show a concrete example of changing politics in the 'changeless land.'

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.379-385
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• 2021

Tattoo, which has been 5000 years' history is the symbol of the collective society. It was used as one of the methods not only to defense and camouflage but also to decorate themselves. In modern society, tattoo culture is either limited to ethnic minorities or be used as a decorative element of personal preference. Among them, the Chinese ethnic minority, the Dai, is still maintaining its tattoo culture, but gradually faded. Hence, the necessity of protecting the tattoo culture of the Dai is essential. The procedures and methods of this study were conducted by analyzing an antique book, explore residential areas, data research, and data collection through interviews. According to research, the tattoo culture of the Dai has been consistently passed down through traditional tattoo pictorial books, the memories of tattooists, and the stories of people who got tattoos. However, the Dai's traditional culture and customs are influenced by the China political reform between 1952 and 1956, confirming that the size of tattoo culture was reduced than before and evanesces. As a result, in order to inherit the ethnic minorities Dai's tattoo heritage, records of tattoo culture are required. Besides, it is considered that the records of tattoo culture and interpretations of tattoo culture by tattooists and the people who got a tattoo due to aging in the future should be studied.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.137-184
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• 2011

This article is aimed at understanding the political narratives represented in the National Museum of Indonesia. Starting initially as a colonial museum, the National Museum of Indonesia functioned as a useful tool for the Dutch colonial force to fuel its imaginations of the colonial territory and the people within it. The Dutch used the cultural display to advertize its benevolent colonial rule. All the while, the museum also inevitably reflected orientalism on the people and the culture of the colony. The republic of Indonesia inherited the colonial museum's practices and its display patterns. The business surrounding the museum also played a key role in the newly-born nation-state laying out a future for its redefined territory and people. Thus, what the colonial force imagined for the colonial territory through the study of museum displays was rather directly transferred to the republic without serious consideration of the decolonization process. Four main characteristics have been seen in the museum displays. The first is an emphasis on the glorious Hindu-Buddha history, from which numerous temples, statues, and jewelry have been found. Secondly, the Islamic period, which spanned between the Hindu-Buddha times to the colonial era, has almost completely been eliminated from the display. Third, the colonial era has been depicted as the time of Europe's exportation of scientific tools and adaption of sophisticated living patterns. Fourth, the images of ethnic groups were represented as being stagnant without reflecting any challenges and responses that these groups had faced throughout history. Looking at these display patterns, it can be concluded that all the dynamic internal developments and anti-colonial resistance that took place during the Islamic and Colonial Era have simply not been represented in the museum display. These display patterns do not reflect the real history or culture of the archipelago. Two considerations are thought to have influenced the neglecting of social realities in the display. The first of which is the Dutch's and Republic's apprehension over the possible political upheaval by the Islamic forces. Yet, more fundamentally, cultural displays themselves are distinct from historical education in that the former pays more attention to business ideas with an aim to attract tourists rather than to project objective historical knowledge. Thus, in cultural displays, objects which work to stimulate fantasies and spur curiosity on archipelagic culture tend to be selected and emphasized. In this process, historical objectivity is sometimes considered less vital. Cultural displays are set up to create more appealing narratives for viewers. Therefore, if a narrative loses its luster, it will be replaced by another flashy and newly-resurrected memory. This fact reveals that museums, as transmitters of historical knowledge, have a certain degree of limitation in playing their role.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.11 no.spc
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• pp.133-161
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• 2005

The present paper examines trust, interpersonal relationship, and civil society in Scandinavia and East Asia. In the first section, the concepts of trust and democracy are defined. In the second section, the cultural transformations that paved the way for the development of democracy in the West and Scandinavia are reviewed. In the third section, the basis of trust and democracy in East Asia, focusing on Confucianism, is reviewed. In the fourth section, a review of an empirical study conducted with a national sample in Denmark, Sweden, Japan, and Korea is presented. The results indicate that both the Scandinavian and East Asian respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy and trust close ingroup members. East Asian respondents are less likely than Scandinavian respondents to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and much less likely to trust political and government institutions. Scandinavian respondents prefer tolerant leaders who lead by ideas, while Koreans prefer strong paternalistic and moral leaders. Japanese respondents are less supportive of paternalistic leaders. Overall, results indicate that in Scandinavia and East Asia, although the basic ideas about democracy and human rights are similar, the methods of implementing these ideas are different. When compared with Scandinavia, there is much lower transparency and accountability in East Asia. In the final section, the challenges that the modern democracies face are discussed.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.38
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• pp.15-36
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• 1988

In this paper, I consider the development of methods in contemporary human geography in terms of a dialectical relation of action and structure, and try to draw a new horizon of method toward which geographical research and spatial theory would develop. The positivist geography which was dominent during 1960s has been faced both with serious internal reflections and strong external criticisms in the 1970s. The internal reflections that pointed out its ignorance of spatial behavior of decision-makers and its simplication of complex spatial relations have developed behavioural geography and systems-theoretical approach. Yet this kinds of alternatives have still standed on the positivist, geography, even though they have seemed to be more real and complicate than the previous one, The external criticisms that have argued against the positivist method as phenomenalism and instrumentalism suggest some alternatives: humanistic geography which emphasizes intention and action of human subject and meaning-understanding, and structuralist geography which stresses on social structure as a totality which would produce spatial phenomena, and a theoretical formulation. Human geography today can be characterized by a strain and conflict between these methods, and hence rezuires a synthetic integration between them. Philosophy and social theory in general are in the same in which theories of action and structural analysis have been complementary or conflict with each other. Human geography has fallen into a further problematic with the introduction of a method based on so-called political ecnomy. This method has been suggested not merely as analternative to the positivist geography, but also as a theoretical foundation for critical analysis of space. The political economy of space with has analyzed the capitalist space and tried to theorize its transformation may be seen either as following humanistic(or Hegelian) Marxism, such as represented in Lefebvre's work, or as following structuralist Marxism, such as developed in Castelles's or Harvey's work. The spatial theory following humanistic Marxism has argued for a dialectic relation between 'the spatial' and 'the social', and given more attention to practicing human agents than to explaining social structures. on the contray, that based on structuralist Marxism has argued for social structures producing spatial phenomena, and focused on theorising the totality of structures, Even though these two perspectives tend more recently to be convergent in a way that structuralist-Marxist. geographers relate the domain of economic and political structures with that of action in their studies of urban culture and experience under capitalism, the political ecnomy of space needs an integrated method with which one can overcome difficulties of orthhodox Marxism. Some novel works in philosophy and social theory have been developed since the end of 1970s which have oriented towards an integrated method relating a series of concepts of action and structure, and reconstructing historical materialism. They include Giddens's theory of structuration, foucault's geneological analysis of power-knowledge, and Habermas's theory of communicative action. Ther are, of course, some fundamental differences between these works. Giddens develops a theory which relates explicitly the domain of action and that of structure in terms of what he calls the 'duality of structure', and wants to bring time-space relations into the core of social theory. Foucault writes a history in which strategically intentional but nonsubjective power relations have emerged and operated by virtue of multiple forms of constrainst wihthin specific spaces, while refusing to elaborate any theory which would underlie a political rationalization. Habermas analyzes how the Western rationalization of ecnomic and political systems has colonized the lifeworld in which we communicate each other, and wants to formulate a new normative foundation for critical theory of society which highlights communicatie reason (without any consideration of spatial concepts). On the basis of the above consideration, this paper draws a new norizon of method in human geography and spatial theory, some essential ideas of which can be summarized as follows: (1) the concept of space especially in terms of its relation to sociery. Space is not an ontological entity whch is independent of society and has its own laws of constitution and transformation, but it can be produced and reproduced only by virtue of its relation to society. Yet space is not merlely a material product of society, but also a place and medium in and through which socety can be maintained or transformed.(2) the constitution of space in terms of the relation between action and structure. Spatial actors who are always knowledgeable under conditions of socio-spatial structure produce and reproduce their context of action, that is, structure; and spatial structures as results of human action enable as well as constrain it. Spatial actions can be distinguished between instrumental-strategicaction oriented to success and communicative action oriented to understanding, which (re)produce respectively two different spheres of spatial structure in different ways: the material structure of economic and political systems-space in an unknowledged and unitended way, and the symbolic structure of social and cultural life-space in an acknowledged and intended way. (3) the capitalist space in terms of its rationalization. The ideal development of space would balance the rationalizations of system space and life-space in a way that system space providers material conditions for the maintainance of the life-space, and the life-space for its further development. But the development of capitalist space in reality is paradoxical and hence crisis-ridden. The economic and poltical system-space, propelled with the steering media like money, and power, has outstriped the significance of communicative action, and colonized the life-space. That is, we no longer live in a space mediated communicative action, but one created for and by money and power. But no matter how seriously our everyday life-space has been monetalrized and bureaucratised, here lies nevertheless the practical potential which would rehabilitate the meaning of space, the meaning of our life on the Earth.

• Journal of Cadastre & Land InformatiX
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.25-44
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• 2014

South Korea did not take action when South Korea was in a situation of lost the diplomatic rights in 1909, despite Gando is incorporated into Chinese territory illegally by the Gando Convention between Japan and China. But it is obvious that Gando is called South Korea's territory in various cultural aspects and historical facts scattered in Gando. But China employs every means possible to make it their own territory taking up the territory projects including the China's Northeast Asian Project distorting the facts that Gando is South Korea's territory. This is the ulterior motive to make it their territory by distorting the history and culture rather than arguing right or wrong on the meaninglessly convention. We need to take action about it because we know the ulterior motive of China. To do this, it is really important to reveal the fact who is the original owner of culture scattered in Gando. As cultural sovereignty is also one of the factors that determine the territorial sovereignty, real owner of the land is a people who enjoy the culture inhabited in its territory. This paper says that master of Gando culture is ours who are the owner of a northern culture leading from old Chosen dynasty. Because our nation settles the culture in Gando since the release of modern Bonggeum area as well as ancient. In addition to knowing that we are the owner of Gando culture, the researcher proposes a methodology to respond to the China that often distorts the cultural truth. Past history can be manipulated, but culture which is embedded with human's interior mature and formed with exposures out cannot be distorted. In addition, the researcher proposes the political agenda to review whether the Chung history is really a Chinese history or not.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.7-32
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• 2006

This study is about the cultural policy related to fine art under the U. S. Military Government in Korea(USAMGIK), from September 8, 1945, to August 15, 1948. Drawing on the previous studies of Korean art history in the 'Liberation Period', this study especially concentrates on intention, attitude and activities of the USAMGIK. Particularly the historical documents, stored at the National Archives at the College Park, Maryland, U.S.A., were valuable to do research on the cultural policy of USAMGIK. The cultural policy was subordinated to the political objectives of occupation that can be summarized to building a stronghold of anti-communism in South Korea. Under the U.S. Military government control, cultural matters were assigned to the Cultural Section, the Bureau of Education, which later turns into the Bureau of Culture, the Department of Education. The Bureau of Culture dealt with matters of the ancient Korean art treasures and of the Korean contemporary art. USAMGIK reopened the Korean National Museum which had been closed by the Japanese since the World War II period. After that, U.S. Department of State sent arts & monuments specialists to South Korea for investigating ancient Korean art and culture. Although some of the destructed art treasures were restored during the occupation, th ere were many negative cases including intentional destruction of historic sites or loot of art treasures by U.S. army. In contrast to their interest in the Korean antiquities, USAMGIK payed little attention to promoting the Korean contemporary artists and their arts. USAMGIK distrusted and suppressed the artists of leftism, while they kept good relations with the pro-American artists and the right-wing artists. In conclusion, the visual-cultural policy of USAMGK was mainly planned and carried out in order to preserve the national interest of the United States. This period produced long-term effects on the fine art and visual culture of South Korea, in terms of institution, policy, and reorganization of art community based on anti-cummunism.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.213-235
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• 2002

The purpose of this study was to recognize the meanings of plastic language by analyzing the sign of the Graffiti depicted in western modern costumes. And the scope of this study was focused on analysing the costumes from 1980's when the Graffiti was recognized as one of the plastic arts. Graffiti was an unprofessional and covert desire of self-expression, having a close relation with our lives. It was used in diverse ways with repeating creation, development, and extinction, from expressing liveliness in Old Stone Age through describing symbolic meaning in the modern art. Graffiti means rude, humorous, or political writing and pictures on the walls of buildings. It's different from the delicate letters or pictures to inscript on the tree or rocks. Being introduced as part of Post-modernism in the 1970s, Graffiti was acknowledged as a new artistic action with the culture of hip-hop. In addition the Graffiti, the expression of sign was reflected artist's internal consciousness with boundless sign. The sign is something to transmit message from the nonverbal point of view, the oldest sign was the sign for petition or the expression of something as a primitive form. Sign can be defined as a framework of life inherited as a practice from the primitive age long past. Graffiti was cited as a concrete example of sign, theme of this paper, and general understanding on sign expression was pursued through free work which all artists present with essential and positive ways using signs, their own languages, and life style. The result of this study was summarized as follows: Since the end of the 20th century, a lot of fashion designers have represented symbolic images, such as letter and signs, as purely personal ways of expression through the western costumes. It was found that fashion designers of the Graffiti whose free work style from inherent inner consciousness might provide a basic framework to search for complex signs of modem costumes naturally understood life itself as plastic art, and sublimated human inherent desire and their inner world through their works.

• Review of Culture and Economy
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.63-83
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• 2018

In the US, there are no governing bodies within the federal executive departments dedicated to the arts and cultural affairs. Direct government subsidies for the arts are relatively small compared to other countries with a comparable economy and standard of living. Nevertheless, the US produces artworks, artists, and arts groups, leading the world's arts and culture. Incorporating the concepts of network governance and shared governance, this paper examines the dynamic roles and interrelationships among various for-profit/nonprofit arts organizations, foundations, councils, service organizations, arts advocacy groups, and professional/amateur associations from the federal to local levels that compose the ecology of American arts and culture. Through our evaluation, we conclude that the local/state/federal arts agencies and arts organizations at various levels influence each other via the principle of subsidiarity and isomorphism, creating a unique cultural policy and arts-supporting system that correspond to the political and social structure and environment of the United States.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.3
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• pp.115-137
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• 2001

The Museum of Chosen General Government(MCGG) was a supreme organ to take charge of business affairs of historical remains Japanese imperial rule. The MCGG was established in Kyongbok Palace in 1915. The MCGG was changed the reorganization of the Chosen General Government(CGG) setups, the MCGG was to maintain the cultural assets, to excavate the ruins and to put on display the remains. However, the Japanese colonist took advantage of the MCGG for political purposes. They didn't use the MCGG to promote the research of Korea culture. Therefore, the MCGG was an organization to belong to the Department of Education of the CGG. In this reason, the MCGG produced the amount of public document to business affairs. Now, This document left in the Museum of Korea. We have seen the document to study the cultural policies and the cultural assets of the CGG. This document includes the abundant information for the historical remains and ruins at that time. Accordingly, this document will help to survey the archaeological research and historical research. In addition, this document will help to manage the cultural assets. What then is the advantage of this document? The first is to see the cultural policies of the CGG through this document. The Japanese colonist took advantage of Korea history, which was low-grade culture, to justify rule of the colony. Therefore, they needed collect Korean assets to verity their theory. The second is to see the administration system of the MCGG. Indeed, this document includes information of organization of the MCGG, the policies and the process of the MCGG. In substance, we can see the systemic proceedings of the MCGG. The third is to provide historical materials to the historian. This document has the persons to plan the colonial culture policy of the MCGG, and events to rule the Korea culture. Moreover, the document of the MCGG would help to inquire into the truthfulness of history and to get the national identity.