• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
• /
• v.22 no.2
• /
• pp.305-330
• /
• 2018

The purpose of this article is to examine whether Myanmar's experience in which dealing with the most exemplary change among rogue states or pariah state in the 21st century is feasible for North Korea's case. Recently, North Korea's willingness to dialogue, reform and open is similar to the precedent in which the Myanmar military junta dismantled its ruling system and turned over transition period through general elections in 2010 and 2015 each. The so-called 'Myanmar Model' refers to a country branded as a rogue state which has been under the international sanctions and pressure, and opening its political system and the market by choosing transformation. However, rapid changes in speed across the entire society after opening up are impossible because the political elite is only the leading role and implementation in the transition. In case of Myanmar, military culture has penetrated into society due to such a long-lasting military dictatorship, and even democratic bloc has become accustomed to authoritarian decision-making process. Furthermore, the "reserved area" of the old regime still exists in a deformed political structure that can not retrieve the interests of the military. Therefore there could not be achieved political development in term of qualification. North Korea also appears unlikely to achieve political and economic assessment in a short period of time, as civil society has not appeared due to its long dictatorship and very low economic development levels. Like Myanmar, North Korea is also likely to control the pace and direction of upcoming reforms and open, as the dictator or most powerful person chose to reform and open up. Therefore, if North Korea moves toward the 'Myanmar Model', there will be high expectations of new changes in the short term, but it could be delayed or stalled in the mid and long term.

• Iberoamérica
• /
• v.13 no.1
• /
• pp.123-152
• /
• 2011

The long standing people's culture of Latin America based on social solidarity of the communities makes the political relations between the leader and the people very different from them of the european societies based on the representative democracy. At any rate, the main stream of the Populist Discourses sees the real populist political processes with the pejorative senses attributing the demagogue style of the leaders. In these sense, it is very important to re-consider the populism discourses of Ernesto Laclau who thinks that the populism is a way of interpreting the emergence of the people to establish the social demands in the context of populist real politics. According to Laclau, "the populism seeks for the radical reconfiguration of the revolt of the 'Status Quo' and new order". This work will confirm if this interpretation of Laclau can be applied to Peronist political regime. Meanwhile the first group of the orthodox line of the discourses on populism including Gino Germani shows that the populism is a political movement based on the manipulation and demagogue by the charismatic leader of the irrational mass during the period in transition after the crises of the traditional oligarchy in Latin America. And another line of the main stream of discourses on populism including Cardoso and O'Donnell says that the populism is a political phenomena in a period of transition towards the modernization and the national development by means of the industrialization through the substitution of the imports and the alliance between the classes after the 1930's. But these principal interpretations on populism disregards that in Argentina many urban poor working class people had lived under the racist, unequal painful social relations due to the underestimation and the discrimination by the upper and the middle class with many intellectuals. But Peronism had considered them as the new social subjects with human dignities. And so we have to rethink the clientelism also with another meanings. In this sense, the theories of Ernesto Laclau on populism is very helpful to illuminate the sensitive and ambiguous meanings of Peronism. Especially Peronism makes the urban working class maintain their life styles more tended to them of the traditional communities and go towards the anti-Status Quo. That is a key of success of Peronism not only that time but until these days. And so this study will show that it is the most important thing that Peronist regime had made the emergence of the 'people' in the meaning of advancing the democracy in Argentina.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.56 no.7 s.106
• /
• pp.69-78
• /
• 2006

In the early Joseon when royal authority was not still firmly established, King Taejong, or Lee Bang Won tried to make their political position guaranteed through relationships with Ming, making efforts to develop relations with the Chinese nation positively. This political orientation towards Ming by of the king Taejong was also clearly reflected in the settlement of official uniform in the early Joseon, which can be described as follows. Gaoming(誥命), Yinxin(印信) and Mianfu(冕服) granted by Ming for the first time since the foundation of Joseon suggested that the Chinese nation recognized the formal settlement of Joseon dynasty and the inauguration of King Taejong. presumedly, the grants played a critical role in the firm establishment by King Taejong of his royal authority under unstable political conditions. Under the reign of King Taejong, Joseon tried to abolish ancient regime and, instead, accept systems and institutions of Ming as it maintained smooth relations with the Chinese nation. King Taejong whose royal authority was locally deemed lack in legitimacy and morality wanted to receive the moral recognition of his reign. So the monarch tried to not only strengthen his authority, but also take in advanced culture and civilization through submissive diplomatic relations with Ming. This was a practical diplomatic strategy that was clearly discriminated from toadyism. It was a policy towards Ming, pursuing substantial national benefit. Therefore, official uniform system under the reign of King Taejong should be understood accordingly.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.27
• /
• pp.31-57
• /
• 2012

The 19th century could not relatively receive attention from local researchers because it was treated as the past cut off from the present as the formative period of modern states of Latin America. According to the characteristics of area studies which focus on changes of politics and society, studies on past affairs could not have been the main focus of attention. But as new liberalism has appeared in Latin America, is throwing the spotlight on liberalism. In addition, the studies on the 19th century have been activated and gradually expanded. And interpretation about the 19th century's history has been variously arranged. Especially, discussion on liberalism and conservatism was established as the key words which can understand and reconsider Latin America in the 19th century. Colombian liberalism which could not overcome heritage of the colonial period in the 19th century and did appear advocating reformation was another form of authoritarianism. Reformation promoted by liberalism was utilized to keep privilege of the ruling class, not to remove the social and economic structure derived from the colonial period. New reformist forces which advocated mercantilism after the middle of the 19th century but they were formed based on the existing system. Colombian Liberal Party was developed as "Another name of conservatization" by reflecting understanding of the conservatives. Colombian liberalists preferred federalism to cut off from repressive characteristics of Spanish colonial rule and secure autonomy of local control through reformation based on economic understanding. Therefore, discussion on the form of government which focused on federalism and centralism acted as the causes of conflict between Colombian liberalism and conservatism. Based on this point, this study tries to analyze liberalism reforms which is the main issue in the Colombian history in the 19th century and consider history of Colombian political conflicts focusing on federalism. The origin of Violencia which is the political violence and Colombian history in the 19th century which has been a series of rebellion can be considered through this procedure.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.49
• /
• pp.249-274
• /
• 2017

The indigenous movement in Ecuador, which has been one of the most successful social movements since the 1980s, has been declining since the 2000s. The rapid disintegration and weakening of the indigenous movement with the emergence of the Correa regime is closely related to the geopolitical realities of Ecuador. This study examines the Pachakutik, an independent political organization, as the reason behind the movement's weakened political power and crisis that was experienced under the Correa regime since the 2000s. Until the early 2000s, the indigenous movement exercised considerable political power through CONAIE. CONAIE formed the Pachakutik, in order to resolve their issues politically through elections. Despite the successes of the 1990s, the electoral strategy since the 2000s led to eventual fragmentation and decline of the indigenous movement. Therefore, the impact of Pachakutik on the growth and decline of the indigenous movement has important implications for the future. The need for expansion through intercultural discourses and strategies rather than electoral strategies cannot be overstated. In other words, new approaches are needed to sustain the indigenous movement.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
• /
• v.57 no.2
• /
• pp.217-235
• /
• 2011

On recognizing the significance of Walter Benjamin's "The Task of a Translator" in recent discourses of postcolonial cultural translation, this essay examines the creative postcolonialist appropriations of Benjamin's theory of translation and their political implications. In an effort to dismantle the imperialist political hierarchy between the West and the non-West, modernity and its "primitive" others, which has been the operative premise of the traditional translation studies and anthropology, newly emergent discourses of cultural translation actively adopts Benjamin's notion of translation that does not prioritize the original text's claim on authenticity. Benjamin theorizes each text-translation as well as the original-as an incomplete representation of the pure language. Eschewing formalistic views propounded by deconstructionist critics like Paul de Man, who tend to regard Benjamin's notion of the untranslatable purely in terms of the failure inherent in the language system per se, such postcolonialist critics as Tejaswini Niranjana, Rey Chow, and Homi Bhabha, each in his/her unique way, recuperate the significatory potential of historicity embedded in Benjamin's text. Their further appropriation of the concept of the "untranslatable" depends on a radically political turn that, instead of focusing on the failure of translation, salvages historical as well as cultural potentiality that lies between disparate cultural entities, signifying differences, or disjunctures, that do not easily render themselves to existing systems of representation. It may therefore be concluded that postcolonial discourses on cultural translation of Niranhana, Chow, and Bhabha, inspired by Benjamin, each translate the latter's theory into highly politicized understandings of translation, and this leads to an extensive rethinking of the act of translation itself to include all forms of cultural exchange and communicative activities between cultures. The disjunctures between these discourses and Benjamin's text, in that sense, enable them to form a sort of theoretical constellation, which aspires to an impossible yet necessary utopian ideal of critical thinking.

• Journal of Information Technology Services
• /
• v.22 no.3
• /
• pp.101-118
• /
• 2023

The 'MZ generation' is accustomed to expressing their thoughts and opinions online. As a result, the role of social media in understanding the opinions and public sentiment of the MZ generation has become increasingly important. In particular, the role of social media in understanding the opinions of young people in political contexts such as policies and elections is becoming more significant. Traditionally, in such political situations, various institutions conduct opinion surveys to grasp the opinions of the people. However, existing opinion surveys have many errors and limitations in understanding the specific opinions of the entire population since they are conducted on arbitrary individuals through survey techniques. Online communities are representative social media that share the opinions of the public on specific issues such as politics, economics, and culture. Therefore, online communities are widely used as a means to supplement the limitations of traditional opinion polls. In particular, the MZ generation is familiar with online platforms, and their political support has significant influence on election results and policy decisions. With this regard, this study analyzed the relationship between the sentiment reflected in online community text data by age group on major candidates and public opinion survey support rates during the Korean presidential election for those in their 20s. The analysis showed that negative sentiments reflected in online communities by the MZ generation have a negative correlation with public opinion survey support rates. This study contributes to theory and practice by revealing a significant association between social media and public opinion polls.

• Acta Via Serica
• /
• v.3 no.1
• /
• pp.43-56
• /
• 2018

Religion and new media are two important factors in contemporary Middle Eastern societies. Media is seen as a relatively newcomer while religion has been and remains an old and core component of the fabric of societies in this region. This article is an attempt to examine the encounter of these two phenomena in the Middle East. It will try to explore the variety of ways by which new media have served religion both positively and negatively, and how religion has taken position for and against media in Middle Eastern countries in general and in the Iranian case in particular. It is also the purpose of this article to look at the different aspects of this relationship between media and religion, analyzing how one affected the other, and how this interaction affected society. It is argued that the outcome of the interaction between religion and media has had a great impact on shaping the social and political culture of the countries in this region including Iran. The dimensions of this impact will determine the outcome of the clash between modernity and tradition in the region.

• Proceedings of KOSOMES biannual meeting
• /
• 2000.05a
• /
• pp.14-25
• /
• 2000

Should the Korea Maritime Police Agency (KMPA) be a comprehensive, multi-functional organization for a unique on-scene service at sea, as in the case of the U.S. Coast Guard, or should it be simply a water police agency, confining its mission only to law enforcement? The argument about enlarging or limiting KMPA's function has been and will be repeated. In this paper, Lee Sangjib highlights the internal and external issues facing KMPA, stemming partly from deficiencies of its struggles for advancement of the organization and partly from shortcomings of political support for it. In this regard, he urges KMPA to practise a scientific management system for maximizing cost-effectiveness of its administrative resources and for maintaining its identity and characteristics as a lead maritime agency. In addition, he also suggests that KMPA adopt the Total Quality Management System for quality improvements in services and greater efficiency in its organization structure to meet the future competition in the changing political and legal environment. He further recommends the proactive, non-regulatory 'Prevention Through People' program, pioneered by the U.S. Coast Guard, as a way of changing KMPA's existing lopsidedly legalistic culture. He concludes by providing a 6-point vision statement for KMPA from the standpoint of favoring enlarging the function of KMPA.

• Journal of Korea Trade
• /
• v.24 no.6
• /
• pp.61-81
• /
• 2020

Purpose - This paper examines how the consumer animosity of partner country influences the purchase of foreign products. We analyzed news sentiment to determine whether Chinese consumer's animosity affect the purchase of the products made in Korea around the time when the U.S. Terminal High Altitude Area Defense missile system was deployed in South Korea. Design/methodology - To measure the tone of Chinese consumer animosity more carefully, we utilized a text mining technique of the Chinese language to read the public's opinion. Using Chinese news paper's editorials of 2015.1-2018.10, we analyzed the sentiment toward Korea and regressed it with Korean export to China. Findings - Empirical results report that Chinese consumers tended to reduce their purchase of consumer goods from Korea when the animosity increased, that is, the sentiments of Chinese news editorials were negative. In contrast, the animosity did not affect the purchase of Korean intermediates or raw materials. We further analyzed the effect by dividing the animosity into three categories; politics, economics, and culture. Among these groups, political news exhibits a unique effect on Chinese purchase on consumer goods from Korea. Originality/value - Existing literature on animosity models has measured the animosity by collecting the consumers' opinions through survey at a given time point, whereas it is measured by analyzing the tone of the press release by sentiment analysis during the time period around the event occurrence in this study.