• Asia Marketing Journal
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• 제22권4호
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• pp.79-101
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• 2021

With the steady rise in global popularity of the Korean music group BTS, the South Korean government and surrounding industries have swiftly begun utilizing their image and international recognition for specific nation branding purposes. While K-pop soft power strategies are not novel to the South Korean state, what is new is the rapid speed at which BTS have become a beacon for South Korean culture, language, and symbolism in the international arena. However, few scholarly works have sought to investigate the role fans have played in this heightened position for the group as state representatives, with minimal research conducted into the work fans do within the framework of ARMY fan culture. This paper will thus aim to fill the gap in scholarship on ARMY as an organized labour network, focusing on the role fans play as labourers in online spaces that work to promote, disseminate, and cultivate wider recognition for BTS as artists. Through the conjunct engagement of a political economy framework and theories of participatory culture, this paper will explore the manner through which the free labour of ARMY, premised on affect, has constructed the fandom as active agents of soft power alongside BTS themselves.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제12권1호
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• pp.158-168
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• 2024

With Wenhai big data SaaS cloud platform.2.0, this study analyzed data of 135 news reports relating to Chinese city Chongqing from Yonhap News Agency and ten South Korean mainstream newspapers from May 1^st, 2018 to September 30^th, 2022. Under the framework of Frame Theory, this research conducted data mining and analysis on how Korean mainstream media shaped city image of Chongqing, what kind of city images were shaped from dimensions of politics, economy, society, culture & sports as well as tourism and whether they are consistent with those in Chinese media. At the last part, discussions and suggestions was made.

• 영미문화
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• 제14권2호
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• pp.207-232
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• 2014

Scholars have considered Chaucer's House of Fame mostly as an ars poetica, in which the poet explores new poetic principles and subject matters, while making few attempts to understand the poem in its historical and social contexts. Investigating the nature of the "tidings" that Chaucer suggests as the new source of his poetic inspiration, this paper argues that the house of Rumor was modeled after late fourteenth century English society that experienced increased appetite for news. The political upheaval during the period from the English Rising in 1381 to the reign of Henry IV in the early fifteenth century produced an unprecedented amount of written and oral propaganda. The proliferation of seditious rumors as well as protests and promulgations during this period indicates how seriously medieval society was engaged with the circulation of news. Particularly, the case of John Shirle in 1381 and the legend about the survival of Richard II demonstrate the subversive power of medieval rumor that often served as a political discourse with which people expressed their oppositions to government. Conspicuous in the activities of both the government and late medieval political protestors was the extensive use of writing. The posting of bills in public places continued until the fifteenth century, when such activities became so common and dangerous that the government had to issue proclamations forbidding the circulation of such seditious writings. The number of extant royal proclamations, written protests, and pamphlets demonstrates that already in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the notion of a discursive public space began to emerge. Whether written or orally transmitted, news and rumor circulated in late medieval England, creating a social space in which people shared their political opinions before the introduction of the early modern print culture. In The House of Fame Chaucer calls attention to the subversiveness of rumor, its potential as a public discourse, and the power of written communication in creating truth in order to appropriate these characteristics for his English poems.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.103-132
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to observe whether intergenerational differences exist in support among major Korean political parties and, if so, how they exist, based on the results of the survey conducted nationwide. To achieve the purpose of the study, a questionnaire was prepared based on conjoint analysis, and the collected data was analyzed by applying a random parameter logit model. The main results of model analysis are summarized as follows. First, among the policy variables, statistically significant results were observed in the generation of 20s and 30s for the education variable. It was found that both 20s and 30s aimed for equal education at a higher level than other generations. Especially, the highest intensity aim for equal education culture was observed in the 20s. Second, the coefficients of major political parties were observed with a high level of statistical significance. This appears to be a result suggesting that voters decide on their voting behavior through thorough policy comparisons in addition to comprehensive consideration on various current issues. Third, a clear support for conservative parties was observed in the generation of 20s. A clear and intense distribution of preference for political parties classified as conservatives was observed in the 20s generation, which can be said to be mainly college students. This seems to be a profound founding related to the issue of "conservatization of the 20s," which has recently become a hot topic in Korean society. Fourth, a high level of support for progressive parties was observed in the 30s and 40s. The Justice Party can be classified as a minority party in the National Assembly House as of January 2019. Nevertheless, it was maintained at a relatively high level in national recognition, and it is presumed that the background was high level of support from the 30s and 40s. Fifth, a large level of standard deviation was observed in the preference for conservative parties in the 50s. This means that some respondents who are in their 50s or older strongly support the Liberty Korea Party, and some respondents in the same generation strongly disapprove it. Due to this countervailing power, it seems that the average support level for the Liberal Korean Party is low in the generations of 50s and older.?

• 대순사상논총
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• 제24_1권
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• pp.255-289
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• 2014

This study's aim is to identify modern and post-modern values and transnationalism embodied in Daesoon Thought and to seek for the new value to overcome irrationality of modern values in this society we live in. Several previous studies discussed about these issues, but most of them studied them on the basis of Korean new religions or Jeungsangyo, or in sociological theory perspective. Therefore, this study focused on Daesoon Thought encompassing ideological perspective as well as historical perspective of Daesoonjinrihoe. As for nationalism, while Eastern learning(Dong-Hak) is prone to ethnocentricity, Daesoon Thought shows trans-ethnic perspective. As for historical perspectivel, Mugeuikdo, a precursor to Daesoonjinrihoe showed non-relationship with any politics as contrasted with other new korean religious movement at that time. As for aspects of modern values, 3 perspectives (political system, social system, abolition of premodern values) were discussed. As for political system perspective, while Eastern learning advocates democratic modernity but accepted monarchy, Jeungsan denied monarchy. And While western political philosophy advocated rationality-based absolute person, Daesoon Thought proposes ideal human who can have political power and do religious indoctrination all together. As for social system perspective, while western humanism is based on all of he people's equity in front of God, Eastern learning on humans are Heaven (人乃天), Daesoon Thought is based on Injon thought(人尊思想) which encompasses spiritual world, human world and all of the universe. Daesoon Thought also proposes abolition of discrimination by gender, social position. As for abolition of premodern values, Daesoon Thought critics pre-modern formalism and advocate acceptance of other nations' culture, pragmatism, and humanism. As presented above, Daesoon Thought has not only modern values but also aspects of post-modernity and transnationalism. In the future, further studies are needed which tackle these issues and search for new values of Daesoon Thought which can overcome limitation of modern values.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제1호
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• pp.109-144
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• 2003

Orientalness is a concept that expresses the collective identity of the Orient in relation to the West. The concept itself is mutable and defined by the relationship between the two regions at different points in time. Changes in the concept depend on a number of factors, such as cultural influence, the political balance of power between the two regions, and on the interpretative scheme that defines the relationship. In addition, the geographical notion of the concept evolves culturally, socially and politically. During this process, Oriental-ness becomes Oriental-ism at times. I will attempt to survey and measure the progression of Orientalness from its emergence in early 17th century to its subsequent transformation in modern Korea as reflected in art theory and art works. The recognition of the comparative characteristics of Oriental art began when the Orient was exposed to the art of the West in the late Ming dynasty during the early 17th century. The changes in the artistic climate in China affected the late Chosun. I will start with a brief introduction of this time and the birth of Orientalness. The concept gradually changed during the period of Enlightenment(開化期) towards the end of the 19th century, and during the colonial period( 1910-1945) it took on a new form. Establishment of the concept of "Orient"as a single, unifying concept spanning across cultures and national boundaries has been attributed to late Meiji period Japan, whose intention at that time is believed to have been to build a pan-Asia(亞細亞) empire with Japan at its commanding center. It has been stressed that the real motive behind the formation of one single cultural unit, where the shared common written language was Chinese and Confucianism and Taoism were the common metaphysical traditions, was to build one political unit. When the notion of a geographical unit of Asia was replaced by the concept of Asia as a cultural and political unit, a massive growth of interest and discourse were provoked around the concept of Orientalism. When Orientalism was being formulated, Korea automatically became member of "one Asia" when the country became colonized. For Koreans, the identity of the Orient had to be defined in cultural terms, as the political notion of a nation was non-existent at that time. The definition of identity was pursued at two levels, pan-Asian and local. If Orientalism was an elite discourse centered in pan-Asian philosophical and religious tradition, localized Orientalism was a popular discourse emphasizing locality as the byproduct of natural geographic condition. After the liberation in 1945 from colonial rule, a thrust of movement arose towards political nationalism. Two types of discourses on Orientalism, elite and popular, continued as central themes in art. Despite the effort to redefine the national identity by eradicating the cultural language of the colonial past, the past was enduring well into the present time. As discussed above, even when the painting themes were selected from Korean history, the tradition of using history painting as a manifestation of political policy to glorify the local identity had its founding during the Meiji period. The elevation of folk art to the level of high art also goes back to the colonial promotion of local color and local sentiment. Again, the succession of the past (colonial) ideal was defended as the tradition assumed a distinct modern shape that was abstract in style. The concept of the "Orient" is of relative and changing nature. It was formulated in relation to Western culture or civilization. Whatever the real motive of the adoption of them had been, the superiority of the Orient was emphasized at all times. The essence of the Orient was always perceived as the metaphysical tradition as a way to downgrade Western culture as materialistic. This view still prevails and the principle of Orient was always sought in Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Even when Orientalism was employed by imperialist Japan in an effort to establish her position as the center of the Orient, the spiritual source was still in Chinese philosophy and religion. In art also, the Chinese literati tradition became the major platform for elite discourse. Orientalism was also defined locally, and the so-called local color was pursued in terms of theme and style. Thus trend continued despite the effort to eradicate the remnants of colonial culture long after liberation. These efforts are now being supported politically and also institutionalized to become the aesthetic ideal of the modern Korean art.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제10권3호
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• pp.283-292
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• 2002

This study is to examine the costume and features in Asuka period and the results are as follows. Asuka period is the time that the country loader positively imported the continental civilization, founded a new country organization in political society and accepted Buddhism and exerted his best passion for its thriving. As the result of examining the costume and features of Asuka period when the requirement for accepting the foreign culture was met via the present costume regulation and relics material, it was found that the costume had a considerable difference between of the ruling classes with government official and noble as the center and the common people. As for the costume of the ruling-classed official and noble, Korean and Chinese costume regulation was introduced, court dress, ceremonial dress, and uniform were dressed. The composition of costume with introduction of new clothes including Wio, Baedang, Seup, Pil, Kyongsang, for the ruling classes was diversified as well. As the result of looking the clothes for the present ruling classes via the existing and the contemporary relics, it was found that the clothes consisted of Eui and Gon or Eui and Sang style in principle and Po with Banryung or Sooryung was worn over what. However, for the common people, mainly man wore Eui and Gon and woman Eui and Sang, which was the traditional costume style in the ancient tomb days.

• 한국복식학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국복식학회 2003년도 International Costume Conference
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• pp.77-77
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• 2003

If we look closely to the power shift of the powerful countries historically. during the 16th century Spain's power came from gold, colony trade, the mercenary force, close relation with the thrown, 17th century Netherlands owes their power to trade, capital market, the marines, 18th century France owes it to population, agriculture, public administration, and the army. Also, England had their industry, political unity, finance and trust, the marines, liberalistic principles, a geographical merit of being an island which can be defended well and the 20th century America has their cosmopolitan culture, supernational communication, the capacity of the economy, science technology, military strength, alliances, liberalism international formation. But in the 21st century culture and art will prevail over the information age where technology and knowledge was the key, and it is predicted that this will be the source of power for a strong country. Rolfe Yesson, the head of The Copenhagen Research Center for future studies said, "Information age has ended and in the future Dream Society will arrive which focuses on making distinctions by delivering dreams and emotions to consumers". As cyberspace gradually substitutes reality, cyberspace has become more than an information search engine and has become a place where people fulfill their desires and exchange culture. And as a medium for diffusing culture, the importance of the digital dress-up avatar is predicted to increase gradually.gradually.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제14권1호
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• pp.168-176
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• 2006

In modern society, Korean women has been doing make-up developing as one of the beauty industry and it means make-up involves more meanings than in primitive period. Therefore we need to study its multi-dimensional connotation Which in the culture that means to understand the society and their way of thinking, and their social value. The structure of feeling represented in make-up in the 70's was Korean women's wish which were to be rich and westernized. In the 70's, Korean women moved to city, and meanwhile they work hard, they has been accepted western lifestyle and it proved on women's face. And in the 80's, Korea has been developed rapidly, and Korean government make people free. So Korean women's structure of feeling in the 80's were women's automation derived from political and economical development. And women expressed their structure of feeling as abundance in the society and women has to been stately. In the 90's Korean women were revolutionary and returned to nostalgia. In 2001, as the world faced new century, Korean women's life has been changed and the structure of feeling were pureness, simple and easiness.

• 한국심리학회지 : 문화 및 사회문제
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.87-108
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• 2013

본 연구에서는 한국인의 사회적 특징(소득수준, 지지정당(보수 대 진보), 정치적 가치, 자본주의와 평등주의 가치)이 소득양극화에 대한 입장과 정부정책에 대한 판단에 미치는 영향을 알아보기 위해 서울에 거주하는 성인 남녀 613명에게 설문을 실시하였다. 먼저, 참가자들의 소득양극화에 대한 입장을 알아보기 위해, 참가자를 이러한 각 변인의 점수로 나눈 두 집단(고집단 대 저집단; 피험자 간)과 소득양극화에 대한 두 가치(진보 대 보수; 피험자 내)등 혼합설계 변량분석을 실시하였다. 또한, 참가자들이 판단하는 정부의 정책을 알아보기 위해서, 위의 각 변인의 점수로 나눈 두 집단(고집단 대 저집단; 피험자 간), 두 정부(실용정부 대참여정부; 피험자 내), 소득양극화 정책(진보 및 보수; 피험자 간)등 혼합설계 변량분석을 실시하였다. 그 결과, 한국인은 진보적 정치적 가치를 가지거나, 자본주의 가치를 반대하는 한국인이 소득양극화 진보적 가치를 더 지지하였으며, 보수정당을 지지하거나 평등주의 가치를 반대하는 한국인이 소득양극화 보수적 가치를 더 지지하였다. 또한 지지정당에 따라서 참여정부의 소득양극화 진보적 정책과 보수적 정책 판단에 부분적으로 영향을 미쳤다. 이러한 결과가 한국사회에서 가지는 의미를 살펴보고 소득양극화 문제의 합의적 의사소통을 이루기 위한 방안 등을 제시하였다.