• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.57
• /
• pp.67-102
• /
• 2014

Yeoheon is a representative recluse and philosopher in the 17th Joseon dynasty. His contemporary intellectuals considered him as a sincere nobleman, Confucius in the Joseon, and moreover a saint, a cornerstone of culture, and a model for Confucianists. As a politician, he was regarded as practicing the stabilization of the people's livelihood and education, which are the key ideas of Confucian politics, when he serviced as a local governmental office twice. In addition, his ruler thought that he was right, wise, and modest, and therefore had the dignity of the old sage. His subordinates considered that he possessed the way of the old great ministers and the eye to see the current state of affairs. His theory of the Yijing is based on Cheng-Zhou learning, but developed their interpretation of the text. In addition, he discussed that Confucianism is a practical learning. His theory of the ritual was considered to follow Zhu Xi's works, but refer the old rituals and overcome the aspect of minor customs. His contemporary scholars thought that his theory of Neo-Confucianism revealed the essence of Li-Four and Qi-Seven theory regardless of scholarly parties, which were formed after Toegye and Yulgok. However, he proposed the Li-longitude and Qi-latitude theory in order to restore the real values, but it is similar to Yulgok's theory, which was criticized by the schools of Toegye and South Faction near Seoul. However, his theories revealed the fact that Joseon Confucianism cannot be simply differentiated as two major theories of "Centering on Li" and "Centering on Qi. In addition, his ideas of the universe and concern for the old showed that Joseon Confucianism is not just a theory, but is related to our lives and therefore practical in its nature.

• Korean Security Journal
• /
• no.14
• /
• pp.161-179
• /
• 2007

The numerous definition of terrorism is viewed as the use of force or violence by individual or group that is directed toward civilian populations and intended to instill fear as a means of coercing individuals or groups to change their political or social positions. Recently, the paradigm of terror has been developed as new terrorism motivated by 9. 11 terror in 2001. In these contexts, this study analyzed the case study of recent counter-terrorism of international events and suggested the policy implications. This study is split into four chapters. Chapter I is the introduction part. Chapter II introduces the reader to new terrorism theory, and Chapter III deals with the case study of the international counter-terrorism policy around the world, Chapter IV deals with the policy implications of the case study. The greater the political, economical and social advantages opening large international ceremonies, the larger the probability of being targets for terrorists and criminals. As terrorism is one of the important issue, the security problems at international ceremonies in Korea, rising country as political essence in Asian-Pacific region, become very important. With experienced know-hows against terror and preparations for security, local and central governments must promote the private security companies filling up vacancies of police and official security system and develop international ceremonies, rising high valuable industries in 21st century, with diplomatic efforts. International major events is the largest event related events with politics, economy, culture, and such large-scale events should be a comprehensive counterplan in the light of safety check for the location of a hazard and safety check of facilities in and out, attendance on athlete and visitor and escort of VIPs.

• Iberoamérica
• /
• v.13 no.1
• /
• pp.123-152
• /
• 2011

The long standing people's culture of Latin America based on social solidarity of the communities makes the political relations between the leader and the people very different from them of the european societies based on the representative democracy. At any rate, the main stream of the Populist Discourses sees the real populist political processes with the pejorative senses attributing the demagogue style of the leaders. In these sense, it is very important to re-consider the populism discourses of Ernesto Laclau who thinks that the populism is a way of interpreting the emergence of the people to establish the social demands in the context of populist real politics. According to Laclau, "the populism seeks for the radical reconfiguration of the revolt of the 'Status Quo' and new order". This work will confirm if this interpretation of Laclau can be applied to Peronist political regime. Meanwhile the first group of the orthodox line of the discourses on populism including Gino Germani shows that the populism is a political movement based on the manipulation and demagogue by the charismatic leader of the irrational mass during the period in transition after the crises of the traditional oligarchy in Latin America. And another line of the main stream of discourses on populism including Cardoso and O'Donnell says that the populism is a political phenomena in a period of transition towards the modernization and the national development by means of the industrialization through the substitution of the imports and the alliance between the classes after the 1930's. But these principal interpretations on populism disregards that in Argentina many urban poor working class people had lived under the racist, unequal painful social relations due to the underestimation and the discrimination by the upper and the middle class with many intellectuals. But Peronism had considered them as the new social subjects with human dignities. And so we have to rethink the clientelism also with another meanings. In this sense, the theories of Ernesto Laclau on populism is very helpful to illuminate the sensitive and ambiguous meanings of Peronism. Especially Peronism makes the urban working class maintain their life styles more tended to them of the traditional communities and go towards the anti-Status Quo. That is a key of success of Peronism not only that time but until these days. And so this study will show that it is the most important thing that Peronist regime had made the emergence of the 'people' in the meaning of advancing the democracy in Argentina.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.9 no.4
• /
• pp.461-480
• /
• 2003

This paper is to consider the new urbanization process of Daegu in the 1990s, especially with its economy, politics, social culture, environment and space. In the economic aspect, the industrial structure of Daegu has shifted from the manufacturing- centered economy to the service economy. But it has not yet overcome the linear frame of industrial structure still relying on the textile industry, though the degree of industrial specialization has increased in the part of the fabricated metal products and the precision and optical instrument. In the political situation that the implementation of the local self-government has made the relation between localities more competitive, the local government of Daegu has led a boom for boosting the regional economic growth, organizing private-public-research relations to improve the weakening regional investment and production function. In the social and cultural aspect of the new urbanization, the investment into the soft-ware facilities has been increased, and the urban festivals have been changed so as to revitalize the regional economy. In the environmental aspect, as the self-government system has launched, conflicts around values and interests of local governments have revealed frequently due to locations of infra-structures and of abhorrence facilities. Finally, seen from the spatial dimension of the city, the extension of residential areas and unregulated use of urban space have a result of inefficience of land-use, and this kind of unplanned outer expansion of the city has brought about with further separation of house and working place, and increasing distance of movements and the an urban spatial structure which requires more energy consumption.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.45
• /
• pp.85-107
• /
• 2016

Cho Ji-hoon was a leading figure on the discussion of recognition on Han Yong-un, particularly the post-liberation period. During the Japanese colonial era, he addressed Han Yong-un as the representative of national poet, and evaluated Han's poems as the models of rebellious nationalistic poetry. Such evaluation by Cho set the precedent of basic perspectives and methodologies on how to recognize Han Yong-un in the present day. This paper analyzes three studies on Han Yong-un, conducted by Cho ji-hoon. We also examine how Cho created his logic of recognizing Han as a national poet, and his poems as nationalistic poetry. Accordingly, this paper has separated recognitions on poet studies and work studies, and further explored how each recognition has consistency with Cho ji-hoon's historical and literary perception. As a result, the following has been concluded: the basis of Cho ji-hoon's recognition on the life and works of Han Yong-un was premised on Cho's understanding of the world from a standpoint of history of ideas, the concept of nation was regarded as an absolute value that binds disparate ideas together, and the combination of nationalism and poetry has been expressed through the logic of nationalistic poetry and the notion which equalizes the poet to a classical scholar. It was further concluded that such equalizing logic contains some logical contradictions derived from integration between universal rights and national sovereignty, and nation and Buddhism. Therefore, it can be said that other possible interpretations on the role of a poet were not fully discussed, but remain bounded. Last but not the least, this paper critically tries to perceive Cho's recognition on Han Yong-un, and accentuates the necessity of new interpretations of Han's poems, apart from those based on nationalism.

• Journal of The Korean Association of Information Education
• /
• v.25 no.3
• /
• pp.437-448
• /
• 2021

As the core technology of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, AI is applied to various fields of society(e.g. politics, culture, industry, economy, etc.) and causes revolutionary changes. Students who will lead the age of AI need the ability to recognize social changes due to AI, acquire AI related knowledge and utilize AI in various situations. However, it is difficult for elementary school students to understand the concept and principles of AI. Therefore, this study developed an AI education program by selecting educational contents and methods appropriate to the level of elementary school students, and investigated the educational effects of the program by applying it to an actual educational setting. The content selected in this study is 'Social Awareness on AI', 'Understanding AI' and 'Utilizing AI', and eight content elements were selected. To help students learn AI easily and pleasantly at their level, activity-centered education, convergence of subjects and project-based learning were selected as instructional methods, and 20 sessions of education program were developed and implemented. In addition, the effects of the program were analyzed concerning 'perception on AI', 'convergent thinking', 'creative problem-solving' and 'collaboration capability', and positive changes were verified for all four aspects.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.37
• /
• pp.204-236
• /
• 2007

This study explores the corrections on the Korean and the U. S. daily newspapers for the characteristics and differences through the content analysis. For the research, Chosun Ilbo, Hankyoreh Shinmun, The New York Times and The San Francisco Chronicles are selected. The main differences between the Korean and American newspapers are as follows: Firstly, the average number of newspaper errors in Korean dailies are as half as little of those in the U. S. dailies. Secondly, regarding the subcategory of mistakes, the largest thematical number is the societal matters(36.0%), followed by politics(18.3%) and economy(12.1%) for the Korean newspapers. By contrast, errors in culture(17.4%) is the most frequently made by the American newspaper reporters and editors, followed by lifestyle(8.6%), and sports(7.0%). Thirdly, in terms of content of mistakes, errors in names(26.2%) that occurred the most, followed by misidentifications(18.1%) and misattribution(15.8%) for the Korean dailies; the errors in numbers(33.7%), spelling and typographical errors(12.1%) and date(5.6%) for the U. S. dailies. Fourthly, one of the critical reasons that mistakes occurred because Korean reporters are lack of double checking the stories; the U. S. reporters simply by overlooking the articles. Finally, the Korean newspapers make use of only two kinds of correction formats, while the U.S. newspapers use six different correction formats for their newspaper readers.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.24
• /
• pp.46-61
• /
• 2011

This paper considers how Koreans found their positions in the complex, overlapping, disjunctive, and interconnected "Oriental" repertoires in the early Cold War years. When we use the term, Oriental, it should require careful translation from context to context because it may be subject to very different sets of contextual circumstances. Klein views Cold War Orientalism in the complex of various regions including East Asian and Southeast Asian countries; however, when Koreans are contextualized at the center of the discussion the Orientalism produces another discursive meaning. Even though many great researches have been done on Korean immigrations, Korean American literatures, and US-Korea economic, political, and foreign relations, not many discussions about Korean American popular cultures have been discussed in the basis of the Oriental discourse in the United States.For this argument, this paper investigates the performative trajectory of a girl group "Kim Sisters" who began to sing at the US military show stages in South Korea in 1952 during the Korean War. They moved to Las Vegas show stages in 1959 and later appeared in Ed Sullivan Show more than thirty times during the 1960s and 70s. Meanwhile, they not only returned to South Korea often times to perform at the stages for Korean audiences in South Korea but also played at the shows for Korean immigrants in the United States. Korean American immigration to the United States has followed a different route from the majority of Asian American population such as Chinese or Japanese Americans, which means that efforts to compare this particular group to the others may be unnecessary. Rather doing comparative studies, this paper, therefore, focuses on the formation of the intersecting and multiple identities of Korean female entertainers who were forced or forced themselves to be incorporated into the American popular "Oriental" imagination, which I would call "embedded" identities. This embeddedness has been continuously maintained in the configuration of Korean characters in the United States. This will help not only to observe the discursive aspect of Asian American identity politics but also to claim a space for comparatively invisible Korean characters in the United States which has been often times neglected and not brought into a major Asian American or Oriental historical discourse. This paper starts with American scenes at the beginning of the twentieth century to trace Americans Oriental imagination which was observable in the various American cultural landscape and popular music soundscape. It will help us more clearly understand the production and consumption of the Korean "Oriental" performances during the early Cold War period and especially the Korean performance in the American venue, silently overshadowed into the political, social, and cultural framework.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.51
• /
• pp.193-212
• /
• 2018

This paper attempts to explore how Ang Lee depicts Asian and Western women in his films. We focus on two parts of his consciousness First, Ang Lee does not consider himself a feminist, he understands the world in terms of women who play societal roles. Second, Ang Lee's films reflect his identity in a juxtaposition model, in which he is a member of mainstream American society and also holds an onlooker's viewpoint at the same time. He depicts women, who are often marginalized or considered the minority, and their feminist ideals, as means that break down the authority of the father and the man, the traditional ideology, and the male dominant nationalism. Chinese women in movies divide apart traditional Chinese patriarchal ideology and male-dominated anti-Japanese sentiments. Also, the Western women in his films reveal the non-stereotypical appearance of Western society in the 1970s and 1980s, with daily tension, anxiety, abdominal pain and anger, silence and anxiety about homosexual husbands, and excessive obsession. The director's portrayal of women not only separates the male-centered and Western-centered discourse, but also reveals a self-division of internalized masculine patriarchal Asian thought consciousness.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.19 no.3
• /
• pp.302-312
• /
• 2019

Stamps are the smallest image symbols that can be read in the period, and they include the history, culture, politics, and figures and events of the issuing country. In particular, the stamps of the past presidents include the contemporary history of Korea, and reexamining and reviewing the meaning of the presidential stamps historically has a meaning that can not be overlooked as a researcher who studies the image of political leaders. In this study, the scope of research from the first republic to the fifth republic, where the publicity of political leaders through the advertisement of stamps and placards was high, was conducted and the leader image formation and change process centering on the former presidents Rhee Seungman, Park Jeong Hee, Chun Doo Hwan, Respectively. For the interpretation of the image of political leaders according to the changes of time, the images were classified by using Osgood's Semantic Differential Scale, and the images were analyzed using Saussure's semiotics. The image continues to move and change, and the conclusion that the image of the political leader of the time is not a simple personal image but a social product reflecting the specific age of the era.