• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.24-36
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• 2014

The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.91-116
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• 1991

Market liberalization progressing simultaneously with high and rapidly rising domestic wages has created an adverse business environment for domestic firms. Korean firms are losing their international competitiveness in comparison to firms from LDC(Less Developed Countries) in low-tech industries. In high-tech industries, domestic firms without government protection (which is impossible due to the liberalization policy and the current international status of the Korean economy) are in a disadvantaged position relative to firms from advanced countries. This paper examines the division of roles between the private sector and the government in order to achieve a successful structural adjustment, which has become the impending industrial policy issue caused by high domestic wages, on the one hand, and the opening of domestic markets, on the other. The micro foundation of the economy-wide structural adjustment is actually the restructuring of business portfolios at the firm level. The firm-level business restructuring means that firms in low-value-added businesses or with declining market niches establish new major businesses in higher value-added segments or growing market niches. The adjustment of the business structure at the firm level can only be accomplished by accumulating firm-specific managerial assets necessary to establish a new business structure. This can be done through learning-by-doing in the whole system of management, including research and development, manufacturing, and marketing. Therefore, the voluntary cooperation among the people in the company is essential for making the cost of the learning process lower than that at the competing companies. Hence, firms that attempt to restructure their major businesses need to induce corporate-wide participation through innovations in organization and management, encourage innovative corporate culture, and maintain cooperative labor unions. Policy discussions on structural adjustments usually regard firms as a black box behind a few macro variables. But in reality, firm activities are not flows of materials but relationships among human resources. The growth potential of companies are embodied in the human resources of the firm; the balance of interest among stockholders, managers, and workers of the company' brings the accumulation of the company's core competencies. Therefore, policymakers and economists shoud change their old concept of the firm as a technological black box which produces a marketable commodities. Firms should be regarded as coalitions of interest groups such as stockholders, managers, and workers. Consequently the discussion on the structural adjustment both at the macroeconomic level and the firm level should be based on this new paradigm of understanding firms. The government's role in reducing the cost of structural adjustment and supporting should the creation of new industries emphasize the following: First, government must promote the competition in domestic markets by revising laws related to antitrust policy, bankruptcy, and the promotion of small and medium-sized companies. General consensus on the limitations of government intervention and the merit of deregulation should be sought among policymakers and people in the business world. In the age of internationalization, nation-specific competitive advantages cannot be exclusively in favor of domestic firms. The international competitiveness of a domestic firm derives from the firm-specific core competencies which can be accumulated by internal investment and organization of the firm. Second, government must build up a solid infrastructure of production factors including capital, technology, manpower, and information. Structural adjustment often entails bankruptcies and partial waste of resources. However, it is desirable for the government not to try to sustain marginal businesses, but to support the diversification or restructuring of businesses by assisting in factor creation. Institutional support for venture businesses needs to be improved, especially in the financing system since many investment projects in venture businesses are highly risky, even though they are very promising. The proportion of low-value added production processes and declining industries should be reduced by promoting foreign direct investment and factory automation. Moreover, one cannot over-emphasize the importance of future-oriented labor policies to be based on the new paradigm of understanding firm activities. The old laws and instititutions related to labor unions need to be reformed. Third, government must improve the regimes related to money, banking, and the tax system to change business practices dependent on government protection or undesirable in view of the evolution of the Korean economy as a whole. To prevent rational business decisions from contradicting to the interest of the economy as a whole, government should influence the business environment, not the business itself.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.160-175
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• 2013

There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.111-123
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• 2011

This study aims to present the basic materials, which lead us to preserve the Korea Rice Terrace as scenic sites resources and study it continuously, through researching about the present status and the preservation method of the Rice Terrace in Korea, China and Japan. The results of this study are as follows. First, The Rice Terrace has a traditional agricultural technique which minimizing the damage of the scenic view while cultivating the slope. And also, it has the value of one of the Korea unique traditional scenic views. However, The no cultivation land or disappearing desert land of rice terrace were increasing by the disadvantage of operation in land cultivation. Therefore, The Government must need preparing the base of scene resources excavation by executed the established of Korea Rice Terrace Database for preserving of Korea traditional scene. however it is getting to disappearance. And also, The High valued of Rice Terrace by cultural and scenic view which is must managed by designation of scenic sites or monument. Second, The internal and external reference book researched and analyzed results are as followings for understanding about Korea Rice Terrace feature. First of all, The Rice Terrace's dictionary meaning is just difference by each nations. However, Generally speaking that It means the terraced land by cultivated of sloped land. The Rice Terrace has cross relation with mountain valley and piedmont slope cultivation in location of condition. It occurred era is before approximately estimated from 3000 of years until 6000 of years. It can divide two type by topography shape those are slope and valley type. However, The natural element of forest has very big position in this part. But, The Rice Terrace is just managed and designated by the scenic sites with the Cultural Properties Protection Law. It must needs more binding force and effectiveness for the Rice Terrace scenic view plan establishment by scenic laws and farming and fishing village laws etc. I think that it must need the Rice Terrace related law establishment as soon as possible for efficient preservation and management of the Rice Terrace. Third, The Rice Terrace were researched and analyzed results are as followings those were executed at the Korea, China and Japan. The Korea and Japan have good Rice Terrace Characteristic. And also, The high valued scenic sites area were good managed by the Cultural Properties Protection Law as well as the superior scenic valued Rice Terrace in China. Those are also managed by designated scenic sites for protection and preservation positively. Those were managed by each autonomous district management Department. The each nation's related laws of Rice Terrace protection were just little bit different. However, The basic purpose is same. for example, it based on superior scenic view preservation and protection. Especially, The Japan's Cultural Properties Law and Scenic law linkage, and China Autonomous district legislation and effectiveness. The Korea Government must need above elements for Korea Rice Terrace culture and scenic view preservation. Fourth, We need inducing the owner system and the policy of Rice Terrace preservation promotion association for efficient preservation of Rice Terrace in japan. The owner system in japan gives the owner of the land a permission to rent the land to Rice Terrace preservation promotion association and the local government. In this system the village would be revitalized by commons in the way of the management of the terraces, beautifying the area around the terraces and etc. And also, Making the each village management operating system for Rice Terrace management through educating civilization. The civilization could receive quick help from a consultative body comprised of experts such as representatives of Cultural Heritage Administration and professors. And it is in a hurry to solve the problem of revitalization of the region by exchange between cities and the village.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.32
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• pp.77-108
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• 2019

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of 'Podeok' in Daesoon Jinrihoe. The term Podeok can cause some misunderstanding as the same word Deok (德 virtue) has long been used in the Eastern Tradition. In other words, for most people who are used to traditional thought, Podeok may be conflated with the similar word 'Deok (virtue)' as used within Confucianism. People who are familiar with Confucian culture might thereby misunderstand the term Podeok as an aspect of Confucian moral ethics, or they could misconstrue Daesoon Jinrihoe as having appropriated and misused Confucian ideas. Furthermore, there are other problems that could arise if people compare Daesoon Jinrihoe's 'Podeok' with 'Deok (virtue)' as used by Laozi. While Deok in Laozi's usage represents the ability of an individual who can exercise his or her rationality with excellence, Deok in Daesoon Jinrihoe indicates the idea of actualizing Mutual Beneficence and the conditions that enable Mutual Beneficence. If one understands Deok as used by Laozi to contain the meaning of Mutual Beneficence, then it is possible to think that the two tradition share a similar meaning of Deok as Podeok in Daesoon Jinrihoe pursues Mutual Beneficence as its ultimate value. In order to preemptively correct these misunderstandings, I need to clarify how the idea of Deok was born out of traditional thought and what meanings it embodies. Additionally, it is necessary to examine how it became meaningful in Confucianism, and how it was criticized and ascribed new meanings in Laozi's thought. Through these clarification, it will become clear that Deok originally indicated a religious ritual that the king of the Zhou Dynasty performed after receiving the heavenly mandate and assuming rule over the nation. Later, this idea was transformed into a moral virtue and norm by Confucius. This moral virtue and norm was criticized by Laozi as an unnatural form of control as it was understood by Laozi as a teleological argument justifying whether or not lives were to be saved or sustained based on the perceived merits of each individual. On the contrary, Deok in Daesoon Jinrihoe and traditional thought stand on a totally different theological bases. Deok in Daesoon Jinrihoe is a means to practice and realize the truth of the earthly paradise of the Later World and the truth of Mutual Beneficence which were posited to the world through Kang Jeungsan's Works of Haewon (grievance resolution) that resolved the pattern of mutual conflict that characterized the Former World. Therefore, the idea of Podeok in Daesoon Jinrihoe gains completion only on the premises of Haewon Sangsaeng (resolution of grievances for mutual beneficence) and Boeun Sangsaeng (reciprocation of favors for mutual beneficence), and the way to practice Podeok is to practice Haewon Sangsaeng and Boeun Sangsaeng. In addition, the subordinate virtues such as loyalty, filial piety, and faithfulness that exist within Daesoon Jinrihoe's religious practice are not same as those of traditional thought. They are new concepts of virtues drawn from the cosmological laws of Daesoon Jinrihoe. To be specific, the virtues of Daesoon Jinrihoe are not rules that create discrimination and mutual conflict, but are instead ethical rules established upon the basis of Heaven and Earth having been newly organized, and thus, they will bring virtuous concordance, harmonious union, and mutual beneficence. The idea of 'Podeok' in Daesoon Jinrihoe can be understood as a religious practice that requires doctrinal understanding and tangible practice in daily life of followers. In other words, it is not the same Deok of earlier traditional thought in East Asia, but is instead a religious truth by which practitioners realize the truth of Sangje's Works of Haewon in human world as they practice Haewon Sangsaeng and Boeun Sangsaeng.