• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.69-76
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• 2010

As the tangible evidence, documentary art records are permanent records to reflect the historical, symbolical, cultural and artistic value. Also, documentary art records are related with mission fulfillment of public institution and it is documentary with administrative, cultural and artistic values as the works of documentary production and application of the administrative image. "The public records management law" was the first time that administration documents were incorporated and in the act No. 3 of administrative records management, the preservation and management system of documentary art records became legislated. The management of documentary art records are difficult to categorize only by the reflect of characteristics or materials. Because documentary art records are collected in many ways and made with materials. It needs to be collected with many informations on basic materials and with the appropriate conservation and management category. Documentary art records do not have lots of demands but the level of consciousness is improving and the possibility of opening to public is increasing for improvement with the right to know. In near future, the documentary art records will be used for the interpretation of historical and cultural preservation and modern cultural heritage could have the value as it is expected. Primarily to prevent deterioration on documentary art records the standard survey card should be made to categorize the damage rate and to check the status on each documentary art records. In addition, establishing a systematic management plan for various documentary art records are needed with the training of professionals for the conservation of documentary art records.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.4
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• pp.180-195
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• 2016

Since being designated as an important Intangible Cultural Property, Yeongsanjae has become recognized as a unique representation of Buddhist rituals in Korea. Following vigorous research in recent years, however, Suryukjae(水陸齋) was found to have been performed for a longer period and on a larger scale than Yeongsanjae, and under state leadership. This allowed researchers to move beyond the previous perspective that Yeongsanjae(靈山齋) lay at the center of many rituals. This study aims first to examine the origin and development of Yeongsanjae in Korea based on the literature, and then to discuss the meaning it holds today. Yeongsanjae was recorded as a ritual in Jineongwongong -published in 1496 during the early Joseon Dynasty- and also appeared in Yeongsandaehoejakbeopjeolcha -published in 1634(the 12th year of Injo's reign) in the mid-Joseon Dynasty and it was called Yeongsandaehoejakbeopjeolcha. It continued into the late Joseon Dynasty and it was called Yeongsanjakbeop or Yeongsandaehoejakbeop in the Ojongbeomeum collections(1661), CheonjimyeongyangSuryukjaeuiBeomeumsanbo collections(1721), and Jakbeobguigam(1826). In modern times, it has been called Yeongsanje in newspaper articles of TongnipSinmun (The Independent) and Yeongsanjae in Seokmunuibeom(1935). Nevertheless, the difference between the early Joseon Dynasty and subsequent periods is whether mourning of the spirit(唱魂) is added. In this regard, Yeongsanhoe in the early Joseon Dynasty mainly concerned Buddhist teachings realized through rituals such as sermon scenes of the Buddha. On the other hand, it was combined with Buddhist masses for the dead(追薦) from the mid-Joseon Dynasty and performed alongside with Buddhist teachings and prayers for the dead. Taking into account the seven-day Suryukjae, however, Yeongsanjae was performed daily during the day and mainly dealt with Buddhist teachings, while Buddhist masses for the dead were included when Yeongsanjae was performed independently.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.35
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• pp.91-109
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• 1997

This study was conducted to find a more rational way of inheriting and developing tra-ditional Korean HanBok children wear by means of looking at the color and shapes of traditional Korean HanBok and also to find a way to apply this to today's children HanBok wear. The process taken was first to study re-lated literature and its theories and to research museums to find what few traditional HanBok there are and then to compare these findings with new books and personal pieces kept by individuals. We also compared with HanBok children wear now sold at markets. The results of these findings show the fol-lowing conclusions and recommendations: We have found that modern children HanBok utilized the same yellow blouse and red skirt combination as before. These nearly in all cases represented the colors for girls. To most koreans these combination colors are a representation of traditional children wear nat-urally accepted by most koreans without any resistance. Also a definite relation with tra-ditional and modern children wear in the sense of color and shape wear hard to substantiate but we could find harmony between the two. In other words a mixture of modern shapes and traditional colors could be found or vice versa. This is an important factor to be con-sidered when trying to inherit traditional hanBok cuture. Modern times has seen great change in lifestyle feelings and social environ-ment,. In order to create harmony between tra-dition and present day customs a certain mix-ture is required. Therefore we need to maximize traditional flavor and design with present day design emotions. Another issue is that right now children hanBok is only being utilized on a restricted scale. It is a shame that in today's children HanBok that added to the skirt pants and overall wear that the head wear purse and other accessories are not being used. There-fore the HanBok culture especially for the correct succession of children hanBok must refrain from such restricted use of accessories and work to advertise the widespread use of proper Hanbok wear thereby upholding the rightful use of HanBok. As I have mentioned in my other studies it is ones momory of early HanBok wear which greatly affects a grown-up so we should wear hanBok in the right way from an early age and become accustome to its shapes and colors thereby become friendly with traditional HanBok wear. This I believe will lead to overcoming prejudice and disapproval of hanBok and to a more affirm-ative view towards our cultural heritage, Looking from a design point of view inter-national design of a nation's traditional wear can only come from a correct understanding of ones traditions this then becoming a foun-dation for creative design. Seen from these aspects a re-cretion through the meaningful activities of studying traditional shapes and colors of hanBok is the beat way to forming a true HanBok tradition.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.36
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• pp.5-38
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• 2003

The history of Baekje Kingdom, one of the Three kingdoms, is divided into three periods to the change of sociopolitical center, including its capital as follows: Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475), Ungjin Period (AD 475~538), and Sabi Period (AD 538~660). Though the Hanseong Period of Baekje Kingdom covers more than two thirds of the whole history of Baekje Kingdom (493 years), history and archaeological culture of the Hanseong Period is still unclear and even ambiguous comparing to the Ungjin and Sabi periods. Most of all, it is because of quite limited historical records and archaeological data available. In addition, negative attitude of the Korean academic circles to the early records of Samguksaki(三國史記) has been a critical obstacle to the study of early history of the Three kingdoms, including the Hanseong Period of Baekje kingdom. Author, who has attempted to combine historical records and archaeological data in order to reconstruct the history and archaeological culture of the early Baekje, specifically the Hanseong Period, has held positive attitude to the early records of the Samguksaki as far as possible. He(Author) came to realize that comprehensive understanding of Mahan (馬韓) society, one of the Three Han (三韓) Society was more than essential in the study of Baekje. According to historical records and archaeological data, Mahan Society represented by Mojiguk(目支國) ruled by King Jin(辰王) has been located in the middle and/or southwestern parts of the Korean peninsula from the 3rd~2nd century BC through the end of the 5th century or early 6th century AD. Mahan already occupied central portion of the Korean Peninsula, including the Han River Valley when King Onjo(溫祖王) first set up the capital of Baekje Kingdom at Wiryeseong (慰 禮城) considered to be modern Jungrang~Songpa-gu area of Han River Valley. From the beginning of the Baekje history, there had been quite close interrelationships between Baekje and Mahan, and the interrelationships had lasted for around 500 years. In other words, it is impossible to attempt to understand and study Hanseong period of Baekje, without considering the historical and archaeological identity of Mahan. According to the Samguksaki, Baekje moved its capital three times during the Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475) within the Han River Valley as follows: Wiryeseong at Jungrang-gu area of the Han River (河北慰禮城, 18 ~ 5 BC), Wiryeseong at Songpa-gu area of the Han River(河南慰禮城, 5 BC ~ AD 371), Hansan at Iseongsan fortress site(Historical site No. 422, 漢山, AD 371~391), and Hanseong at Chungung-dong of Hanam city(漢城, AD 391~475). Before 1990s, archaeological data of the Hanseong Period was quite limited, and archaeological culture of Mahan was not well defined. Only a few burial and fortress sites were reported to be archaeological remains of the early Baekje, and a few settlement and jar burial sites were assumed to be those of Mahan without clear definition of the Mahan Culture. Since 1990s, fortunately, a number of new archaeological sites of Hanseong Baekje and Mahan have been reported and investigated. Thanks to the new discoveries, there has been significant progress in the study of early Baekje and Mahan. In particular, a number of excavations of Pungnap-dong Fortress site(Historical site NO. 11, 1996~2003), considered to be the Wiryeseong at south of the Han River, the second capital of the Hanseong Baekje, provided critical archaeological evidence in the study of Hanseong Period of Baekje. Since the end of the 1990s, a number of sites have been reported in Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, and Jeolla provinces, as well. From these sites, archaeological features and artifacts representing distinctive cultural tradition of Mahan have been identified such as unstamped fortresses, pit houses cut into the rock, houses with lifted floor(掘立柱 건물), and potteries decorated with toothed wheel and bird's footprint designs. These cultural traditions reflected in the archaeological remains played a critical role to define and understand archaeological identity of the Mahan society. Moreover, archaeological data from these new sites reported in the middle and southwestern parts of the Korean Peninsular made it possible to postulate a hypothesis that the history of Mahan could be divided into three periods to the change of its sociopolitical center in relation with the Baekje Kingdom's political Situation as follows: Cheonan (天安) Period, Iksan(益山) Period, and Naju(羅州) Period. The change of Mahan's sociopolitical center is closely related to the sociopolitical expansion of the Hanseong Baekje.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.134-151
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• 2014

This paper deals with a review of the structure and production techniques of the Dried-lacquer Amitabha Buddha statue enshrined in Geungnakjeon Hall of Simhyangsa Temple, located in Daeho-dong, Naju-si, Jeollanam-do, Korea. To achieve this goal, X-ray date and two rounds of field research were performed. The data collected were reviewed, and a sample peeled off from the damaged part was analyzed to investigate the structure and material of the background layer. The results revealed that the Simhyangsa Temple Buddha statue was an almost empty Dried-lacquer(Hyeopjeo) Buddha statue where wood core had not been framed and inserted in the statue. It was thus observed that considering that the clothes wrinkles clearly remained, the same one as the irregularity of the outer clothes wrinkles, the Dried-lacquer layer was lifted made in an almost complete shape in the process of forming the clay figure as the origin form. The statue was found to be diagonally incised from the top of the head to the back of the neck to remove the clay and wood core. But in other sites, no incision was confirmed. It was observed that on the site of the head where the incision was made, an adhesives(lacquer or paste) was used. In addition, the black eyes were impacted with beads and the ears, hands, bands, and knots were made of wood. These features are identically shown in the Dried-lacquer Amitabha Buddha statue from Seonguksa Temple, known as a work of the late Goryeo dynasty; the Seated Dried-lacquer Buddha statue in Okura Museum of Art in Tokyo, Japan; the Seated Dried-lacquer Amitabha Buddha statue from Jungnimsa Temple, know as a work of the early Joseon dynasty; and the Seated Vairocana Buddha statue in Bulhoesa Temple, the Seated Dried-lacquer Amitabha Buddha and the Seated Dried-lacquer Buddha statue from Silsangsa Temple. The analysis of the back layer demonstrated that the ground layer and the red lacquer were the production of the time. In particular, the bone ash used for the ground layer was also coated for the ground layer of Buddha statues as well as for the production of the lacquerware during the Goryeo dynasty. It was also found that gold mending was conducted more than twice even in modern times and that the layer of the production time was well preserved despite gold mending several times.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.171-201
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• 2004

Modern sciences in the West are deeply rooted in the Greek and Roman cultural heritage. Consequently, the academic achievements accomplished by the scholars of the Arabs including Persian world, the profound thoughts developed in the Indian subcontinent, and the excellent works made by the East Asian scholars have mostly been neglected in the past. This paper attempts to compare the thoughts and theories on population developed by the Western scholars with those of East Asian scolars, in chronological order, ancient, mediaeval, and modern period before Malthus. The thesis that excessive population growth may reduce output per worker, depress levels of living for the masses and engender strife is of great antiquity. In fact, overpopulation in East Asia, especially in China, goes back to very ancient times, most Confucian scholars maintained the notion of a numerical balance between population and environment. They also looked for means to check the increase in numbers. The foundations of a theory of optimum population level, fully developed in the twentieth century, can be found in their writings. Although early population thoughts in China had not advanced far in the analysis of the significance of population size and growth, it had taken only a few steps forward. At some times and to some observers, populousness appeared desirable; at other times and to other observers, it seemed all too evident that the number of people could become too great. These viewpoints foreshowed some of the later developments. The early population literatures reviewed here seem to consist of a number of quite isolated contributions. In fact, however, there may have been a greater continuity of thought than now appears, for many of the contributions may have been lost and there are many gaps in the record. An intensive review on comparing two works, those of Malthus' and Hong, Liang-chi's, are presented in this paper. Only five years before Malthus published his famous work, An Essay on the Principle of Population, Hong published his theories on population. Some of them, Hong insisted, are very similar to the Malthusian concepts of geometrical increase, natural and artificial checks of population. Despite the excellent works in the ancient period, this paper concludes with an investigation of the reasons why modem achievements in scientific areas in the East Asia have been far behind that of the West.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.95-130
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• 2006

Japanese government college researchers, including Sekino Tadashi(關野貞), have conducted research studies and collected data, on overall Korean cultural relics as well as Silla tumuli(新羅古墳) in the early modern times under the Japanese imperialistic rule. They were supported by the Meichi government in the early stage of research, by the Chosun government-general, and by their related organizations after Korea was coIonialized to carry out investigations on Korean antiquities, fine arts, architecture, anthropology, folklore, and so on. The objective for which they prosecuted inquiries into Korean cultural relics, including Silla tumuli, may be attributed to the purport to find out such data as needed for the theoretical foundation to justify their colonialization of Korea. Such a reason often showed locally biased or distorted views. Investigations and surveys had been incessantly carried out by those Japanese scholars who took a keen interest in Korean tumuli and excavated relics since 1886. 'Korea Architecture Survey Reports' conducted in 1904 by Sekino in Korea gives a brief introduction of the contents of Korean tumuli, including the Five Royal Mausoleums(五陵). And in 1906 Imanishi Ryu(今西龍) launched for the first time an excavation survey on Buksan Tumulus(北山古墳) in Sogeumgangsan(小金剛山) and on 'Namchong(南塚)' in Hwangnam-dong, which greatly contributed to the foundation of a basic understanding of Wooden chamber tombs with stone mound(積石木槨墳) and stone chambers with tunnel entrance(橫穴式石室墳). The ground plan and cross section of stone chambers made in 1909 at his excavation survey of seokchimchong(石枕塚) by Yazui Seiyichi(谷井第一) who majored in architecture made a drawing in excavation surveys for the first time in Korea, in which numerical expressions are sharply distinguished from the previous sketched ones. And even in the following excavation surveys this kind of drawing continued. Imanishi and Yazui elucidated that wooden chambers with stone mound chronologically differs from the stone chambers with tunnel entrance on the basis of the results of surveys of the locational characteristics of Silla tumuli, the forms and size of tomb entrance, excavated relics, and so forth. The government-general put in force 'the Historic Spots and Relics Preservation Rules' and 'the Historic Spots Survey Council Regulations' in 1916, establishing 'Historic Spots Survey Council and Museum Conference. When museums initiated their activities, they exhibited those relics excavated from tumuli and conducted surveys of relics with the permission of the Chosun government-general. A gold crown tomb(金冠塚) was excavated and surveyed in 1921 and a seobong tomb(瑞鳳塚) in 1927. Concomitantly with this large size wooden chamber tombs with stone mound attracted strong public attention. Furthermore, a variety of surveys of spots throughout the country were carried out but publication of tumuli had not yet been realized. Recently some researchers's endeavors led to publish unpublished reports. However, the reason why reports of such significant tumuli as seobong tomb had not yet been published may be ascribed to the critical point in those days. The Gyeongju Tumuli Distribution Chart made by Nomori Ken(野守健) on the basis of the land register in the late 1920s seems of much significance in that it specifies the size and locations of 155 tumuli and shows the overall shape of tumuli groups within the city, as used in today's distribution chart. In the 1930s Arimitsu Kyoichi(有光敎一) and Saito Tadashi(齋藤忠) identified through excavation surveys of many wooden chamber tombs with stone mound and stone chambers with tunnel entrance, that there were several forms of tombs in a tomb system. In particular, his excavation survey experience of those wooden chamber tombs with stone mound which were exposed in complicated and overlapped forms show features more developed than that of preceding excavation surveys and reports publication, and so on. The result of having reviewed the contents of many historic spots surveyed at that time. Therefore this reexamination is considered to be a significant project in arranging the history of archaeology in Korea.