• Publications of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.59-79
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• 2022

We investigated the records of astronomical phenomena in the Hyeonjong-Donggung-Ilgi written by the educational office for a crown prince, Sigang-won, during the time of a crown prince of the king Hyeonjong (i.e., from 1649 to 1659). Of the total of 3,625 days, 3,044 astronomical accounts were compiled from astronomical records of 2,003 days. We classified these astronomical accounts into 16 items, grouped into five categories, and statistically analyzed each group. In our analysis, the accounts for atmos-pheric optical phenomena equates to 57.9% of the total, and for celestial phenomena visible during the daytime the percentage is 17.3%. The records related to the approach between two objects such as planets, moon, and stars account for 3.3%, and solar or lunar eclipses take up 0.6%. The ratio of accounts regarding meteor, comet, and fire light (火光) stand at 13.8%, 0.30%, and 6.8%, respectively. Sunny days account for 71.1% of all days per year during this period. We determined that the distribution of the fire light by month is similar to that of the solar halo. We also found that the astronomical records from the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty correspond to only 30% of those of the Hyeonjong-Donggung-Ilgi for the same period. In particular, the phenomena of celestial objects occurring outside the atmosphere are transmitted to the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty in a higher proportion than the phenomena inside the air. It is therefore necessary to use a historical diary like a Donggung-Ilgi to interpret the phenomena in the air such as atmospheric optical events, meteor, and fire light.

• Journal of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.75-89
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• 2023

We investigate the astronomical phenomenon records of Sukjong's Chunbang-Ilgi made by Sigangwon (Royal Educational Office of the Crown Prince) at which King Sukjong was the crown prince (i.e., 1667 January 24-1674 September 22). From the daily records of 2,799 days, we extract the astronomical records of 1,443 days and classify them into 14 categories. Then, we group the records of each category into five phenomena (Atmosphere, Eclipse, Daylight Appearance, Apparition, and Appulse) and compare them with the results of modern astronomical computations wherever possible. Except for Atmosphere group comprising records of meteorological events, such as solar halo, lunar halo, and unusual clouds, the significant findings in every other group are as follows: In Eclipse group, the solar eclipse that occurred on 1673 August 12 was unobservable in Korea, which is in contrast to the record of Joseonwangjo-Sillok (Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), which states that the sun was in eclipse around sunset time, as observed at Nam mountain. From the lunar eclipse records, we verify that the Joseon court did not change the date of the events observed after midnight. In Daylight Appearance group, we confirm that this phenomenon was observed during the daytime and not during twilight. We further suggest that if observation conditions are met, a celestial body brighter than -2.3 mag could be seen during the daytime with the naked-eye. In Apparition group, we find the possibilities that the Orionid meteor shower had influence on the meteor records and the seasonality on the aurora records. We also find that the Korean records in which the coma of comet C/1668 E1 was located below the horizon were overlooked in previous studies. Finally, we find that the records of Appulse group generally agree with the results of modern calculations. The records of Beom (trespass in literal) and Sik (eating in literal) events show average angular separations of 1.2° and 1.0°, respectively. In conclusion, we believe this work helps study the astronomical records of other logs of Sigangwon, such as Sukjong's Chunbang-Ilgi.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.16
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• pp.221-229
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• 1991

This thesis aims at reviewing the wearing aspect and formation of Chosun ceremonial dresses for meal and finding out the thought reflected by them from the standpoint that dresses themselves should be taken as one of the phenomena in culture. That is men's ceremonial costumes and confucian costumes of the royal family and the gentry family in Chosun is reviewed focused on the formation and the wearing aspect of Po, Which is a kind of them. And in the context of the phase of the times. I also considered the thoughts reflected on the clothes such as confucianism, Ying & Yang Theory, and the symbol and the thoughts of patterns in relation to the clothes. Confucian influence was the main force for the Chosun prohibitions for clothes. The major reasons for the prohibitions for clothes were as follows. First, they reflected confucian Chung myoung chooui(the principle that everything should be where it belongs). That is the prohibitions for clothes were used in the means to maintain feudalistic social order. influenced by social rank system. Second, they reflected confucian ethics in the means to recover social disciplines with the maintenance of traditional customs. This shows well in the restriction of luxurious items in dressing included the prohibitions for clothes. Third, they reflected Chosun's toadysm toward China. With the influx of Chinese style of dressing then government even changed the style of uniforms for public officials into that of Chinese resulting in dual styles of dressing. Ying & Yan Theory greatly affected the colors of Korean clothes and reflected toadysm toward China. too. The theory was embodied by prohibition of such colors for clothes as white, gray, and jade green. I reviewed the twelve patterns on Myunpok, Ten-Longivity patterns and Four-Gracious plants patterns in order to analyze the symbolism and thoughts of patterns for clothes. Nansam, Dopo, and Shimui worn by confucian scholars ensures that those clothes bears confucianism and philosopical factors. As shimui was worn by many people it appears in Chosun scholars' studies and a Chinese book called "Yeki". I reviewed the origin, procession, and ornaments of four ceremonial clothes and tried to find out the confucianism in them. First, In Kwanrei (the coming-of-age ceremony) remained ancestor worship and respect for manners. The clothes for this ceremony granted the rights and responsibilities of and adult to the wearer. The royal Kwanreipok had different dresses for each rank. As Samgapok, the crown prince wore Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for the first ritual, Wonryukwan and Kangsapo for the second, and Myunrukwan and Konpok for the third. The rank of the King's grandson was lower than the crown prince's. This example shows that Chosun people respected manners and thought the basic confucianism "God and people are equal." at the Royal court. Second, as Honreipok(wedding gown), the crown prince wore Myunrukwan and Konpok for Daereipok, Wonyukwan and Kangsapo for Napjing and Tongwoo, and Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for Chekbinui. But common people were allowed to wear an official outfit only for wedding in the means of congratulation on the most important day of their life. Wedding gowns which reflected Ying and Yang Theory emphasized the thought that union of a man and a wife is the most important event in life. Third, Sangrei(funeral) was the last ritual of a human being to send off the deceased. The mourning dresses expressed lamentation of the people left behind. Five-Dress-System for each the relative degree of familarity showed the solemnity and formality, which represented the formality of confucianism and ancestor worship. I reviewed the mourning dresses by dividing them into royal, Yangban's, and commons. They were featured by the fact that there was only one style for every walk of life. It is construed that anyone in mourning can wear the same clothes since he feels the same way regardless of his social rank. Fourth, Chereipok(sacrificial rite dresses) had different styles for each social rank. The King wore Myunpok(Kuryumyun and Kujangpok) were recorded to be worn first in the fourth year of King Taecho's ruling. The crown prince wore Palryumyun and Chiljangpok for sacrificial rite dress which was finally settled when King Sejong was in power. Common people wore Dopo, Shimui for the rite dress in the beginning of the Chosun Era and wore Dopo after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. In conclusion, confucianism played the main role in ceremonial dress system of Chosun and that was because it emphasized the ethics of action in life, which was different from other religions. It is true that cause-oriented thoughts and Chung myoung chooui in confucianism drove all ceremonies to extreme manners, discriminating the people who belonged to the lower social rank, and resulting in extremly luxurious life style. However, they also created a unique trend and clothes culture in the Chosun Era. I wish that this thesis provieds important information and direction for furthur studies in the future.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.45
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• pp.263-289
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• 2014

King Munjong(文宗), the eleventh King of the Goryeo Dynasty, was the son of King Hyeonjong(顯宗), the eighth king, and the younger stepbrother(異母弟) of King Jeongjong(靖宗), the 10th king. Although King Jeongjong had four sons, he abdicated the throne to King Munjong. King Taejo(太祖) had opened the possibility for sons other than the eldest son to succeed to the throne. When King Jeongjong died, his sons were children under the age of 10 years. In the early period of the Goryeo Dynasty, when kings had young sons, there were precedents of abdicating the throne to their grown-up younger brothers. In addition, King Jeongjong and Munjong had an identical blood background. During the period, Goryeo people also naturally accepted the fact that a former king's younger brother succeeded to the throne. In this background, King Munjong ascended the throne. However, King Munjong did not ascend the throne after identifying state affairs with politic power. Therefore, he needed to increase his authority as the king. Moreover, as the sons of King Jeongjong had grown up, they could stir up trouble in future succession to the throne. Therefore, King Munjong intended to concentrate power on himself and remove trouble in future succession to the throne by selecting his son as successor to the throne. After the installation of Wangtaeja(王太子, the Crown Prince), King Munjong expanded and organized Donggunggwan(東宮官, the establishment of Secretariat of Wangtaeja) and carried out various rituals related to Wangtaeja. The control system for Donggunggwan was completed institutionally in 1068. At this time, the newly organized Donggunggwan was operated as a miniature version of the central government office. In addition, the ritual for the installation of Taeja, which was held in 1054, complied with regulated procedures. After the ritual of the installation, a ceremony to congratulate on Jangheungjeol(長興節, the birthday of Wangtaeja) was held in 1056. In 1064, the wedding ritual of Taeja took place, and the ritual for Taeja regulated in Yeji(禮志) of "Goryeosa(高麗史)" was carried out. In addition, the installation of Wangtaeja was made known overseas, and the Taeja of Goryeo was proclaimed by the Kitan three times. Such various measures played an important role in strengthening the status of Taeja as the man of authority next to the king. Later, Taeja demonstrated his status as the man of authority following the king by participating in state affairs on behalf of King Munjong who was not able to move about freely in his later years.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.155-180
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• 2019

Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.237-260
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• 2000

According to the study of Jik-Ryoung(直領) consulting chronicles of the Chosun Era, Jik-Ryoung had been worn for various uses as official outfit, ordinary attire or clothes for the celebration of their coming of age, wedding ceremonies, funeral rites, and religious ceremonies, etc. from the beginning to the end of the Chosun Era. The conclusions are shown briefly as follows. 1. There are several terms of Po(袍) related to Jik-Ryoung in the chronicles under the name of Jik-Ryoung Ui(直領衣), Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung(衣撒直領), and Jik-shin(直身). Jik-Ryoung Ui is the other name of Jik-Ryoung that they called it when it was used for funeral rites and religious ceremonies. The chinese Ye-Sal(曳撒) was called the Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung in Korea, but this is different with Jik-Ryoung regarding its divided up and bottom style. Jik-Shin is almost same as Jik-Ryoung. 2. During the latter period of the Chosun Era, we can find diferent frequency in use of the Jik-Ryoung. Jik-Ryoung was shown constantly in the cases of that ding, Chinese Prince and lower-level constantly in the cases of that king, Crown Prince and lower-level officials wore it for funeral rites and lower-level officials, artisans, merchants, humbles and slaves wore it for official outfit. Uses of the Jik-Ryoung increased for military officers'outfits, in contrast to decreasing of uses for ordinary attires of king, Crown Prince, and the commons, and official outfits of civil officials. 3. These different aspects mean the change of estate and role. For the basic four ceremonial occasions the ceremonies of coming of age, marriage, funeral, and ancestor memorial-, it appeared constantly. Therefore the social role had been maintained also by then. As an official garb, the role for official uniform of petty official maintained by the end of the Dynasty. But from the latter 1600's to the former 1700's, the roles for official garbs of civil officials and military officers decreased and increased respectively. Before the Hideyoshi's Invasion of Korea in 1592, ordinary social clothes had orders by people's social status who wore them ; those were Dan Ryoung(團領), Hong Jik Ryoung(紅直領), Jik Ryoung(直領), Cho'l Rick(철릭) in the order named. After the war, various Po(袍), Shim Ui(深衣), Jung Chi Mak(中致莫), Chang Ui(　衣), Jang Ui(長衣), Ju Ui(周衣) and so on had been worn until the King Young Jo(英祖)·Jung Jo(正祖) period. In result, the social role of Jik-Ryoung was reduced as the uses decreased more and more. For a mourning dress, it had a same aspect as the case of ordinary social wear. 4. Considering the color, they used blue for the clothes for doing-up-the-hair ceremony, white for mourning clothes, and white, black for ancestor memorial ceremony clothes. On the official outfits of officials, dark blue and black were used mostly. And lower-level officials'clothes had white, red, and green on them. They used red and green for the plain dresses. 5. Examining the materials, clothes for the celebration of one's coming of age were made of high quality silks, Kwang Hwa Dan(廣禾緞). Also, they made clothes for funeral rites of rough and thick linen, and made clothes for religious ceremonies of linen and hemp. The official outfits were made of practical materials like cotton, hemp and ramie. Cotton, pongee and satin were used to make ordinary attire.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.379-412
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• 2009

According to "Jinjak-yigwe(進爵儀軌)", a special banquet was held at Yungyungdang(演慶堂, a kind of royal theatre) to celebrate the 40th birthday of Queen Soonwon(純元王后) in 1828. This banquet is famous for the presentation of nineteen new Jungjae(呈才) repertoires that the Crown Prince Hyomyung(孝明) created. In order to explore the theoretical basis for the reproduction and presentation of Yungyungdang(演慶堂) Jinjak(進爵, a type of royal banquets), in this article, the imagination and experience of the presentation of Yungyungdang Jinjak are pursued, while focussing on audience's reception. In Yungyungdang Jinjak, King Soonjo(純祖), Queen Soonwon and the prince were the special audience; they participated in the procedure of Ye(禮, etiquette of ceremony) and also were considered as the characters of certain repertoire of Jungjae. Hyomyung arranged the spectacles from the myths of Taoist gods and immortal hermits, as well as historic episodes of the past emperors' elegant tastes of music. These mythic and historic images lead the audience toward the imagination and experience on the transcendental world. Hyomyung, managing the administration as the representative of King Soonjo, tried to show absolute royal authority through the splendid performances of Yungyungdang Jinjak, so as to overcome the politicaly difficult situation. He set up the sacred world for his father King Soonjo, distinct from the secular ordinary world, and emphasized his position as the bridge between the two sides. He expressed his filial duty through the devotion of performing arts to display absolute royal authority.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.151-173
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• 1991

A review of the royal banquet rituals which were excuted twice a day for consecutive three days for master were found to be progressed; 1st day for Queen Mother, 2nd day for King, 3rd day for Crown Prince very orderly. And performing dozens of dances and musics at each intervals of this procedure. The Sequence of rituals were summarized as follows. 1. Entering by order of low in rance. 2. Opening a ceremony. 3. Setting napkins, spoons and chopsticks and sumptuous table for master. 4. Offering flowers to master and then granting that flowers to subjects 5. Singing a open song. 6. Setting wine/side dishes for master and complimenting master's achievement/wellness. 7. Bowing politely three times and giving cheers. 8. Distributing wine/dishes to high ranked subjects. 9. Offering special dishes for master. 10. Distributing wine to low ranked subjects. 11. Singing a closing song. 12. Taking away tables. 13. Closing a banquet and leaving the hall.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.5
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• pp.113-140
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• 1981

"Jung Ri Eui Kwae" is the book, illustrated and recorded with court coutesy and manners during the King, Jung Jo's honoured coming to his own father's royal tomb "Hyun Ryung Won" of Sa Do Seh Ja(The Crown Prince to be mourned) with his own mother Hae Kyung Koong Mrs. Hong. According to this book, we can see the costumes and its ornaments of the civil and military officials and also of Yu Ryung(the maden court musician) and Dong Ki (a young Kisaeng girl) during serving at Bong Soo Dang bangquet celebrating his own mother's 60th birthday anniversary. It is interesting to review once more the royal ceremonies representing the portion of the costumes and its ornaments in the 18th century of the Yi Dynasty, Yung-Jung Jo era that is to be thought the reform period in almost every field of social system.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.29 no.6
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• pp.113-128
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• 2020

The king of Joseon Dynasty Jeong-jo commanded the renovation of Seongjeong-gak, once a study for crown prince, to serve as Pyeonjeon(便殿), a main office for kings. The renovated building strictly separated the routes designated for the king and the other officers, respectively. The interior space consisted of Youngnae, reserved for the king and his senior aides, and Youngwae, for lower ranking officers. Youngnae(楹內) and Youngwae(楹外) corresponded to the two blocks (the space between two columns) on the east and west side, respectively. Such structure of Pyeonjeon was heavily transformed over several occasions beginning from the late nineteenth century. Youngwae was subdivided into separate spaces, and the routes for the king and the officers became indistinguishable.