• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.210-227
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• 2006

Many historians presume that several kings included the crown prince were killed by poison in the Jo-Soon dynasty. Above all, there is every possibility of killing the crown prince So-Hyoon(昭顯) by poison. The crown prince So-Hyeon was detained for 8 years in Sim-Yang(瀋陽). He died suddenly in two month from coming home. According to an authentic record, official death causes were malaria. But there is little possibility that a young crown prince die of malaria at the age of 34. His dead body shows change of skin color and bleeding from the ear, eye, mouth, and nose. This is the sufficient evidence that he was killed by poison. King In-Jo have a doubt that he was ousted from his post by crown prince So-Hyeon in conspiracy with cheong imperial court. Especially, after the crown prince So-Hyeon's death, owing to cold attitude that king In-Jo shows and a tragic affair that occurred to the crown prince's family, king In-Jo is under suspicion as the mastermind of the murder. Another poisoners are Jo-So Yong(趙昭容) and Lee-Hyeong Ik(李聲益). Jo-So Yong, a royal harem, intrigue against the couple of crown prince So-Hyoon. Lee-Hyeong Ik that win king In-Jo's favor take charge of the medical treatment. We supposed that toxic substance is arsenic poison.

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.58-71
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• 2009

1. Objectives : The Crown Prince Sohyen(1612-1645) has been believed ro have been poisoned to death because of the political conflict with the King Injo. However, the Crown Prince Sohyen who was So-yangin(SY type) didn't be treated properly at that time. This paper is supposed to explain the reason why he died by reference. 2. Methods : The prescription which was made out to the Crown Prince Sohyen is analyzed, based on the Sasang Constitutional Medicine(SCM) through Shimyang-ilgy and Ulyudongkung-ilgy. 3. Results : 1) In the case of the prescription where So-yang medical stuffs were contained a lot or Gunyak(the main madical stuff) was So-yang one, the Crown Prince Sohyen was better, while that of Tae-eum and So-eum medical stuffs didn't work. Therefore, the Crown Prince Sohyen can be considered So-yangin. 2) The So-yang in's symptom was misunderstood as Hakjil and treated, which could lead him to be put to death 4. Conclusions : The Crown Prince Sohyen is supposed to be Soyang-in(SY type), and accordingly the So-yang in's symptom was misunderstood as Hakjil and treated, which could cause him to pass away.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.17-26
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• 2020

The planning acumen led by the crown prince stands out during the banquets that were held continually during the reign of Crown Prince Hyomyung around the late Joseon period from 1827 to 1929. If we examine the changes in banquet space during the period that Crown Prince Hyomyung ruled by proxy, the Jagyeongjeon(慈慶殿) in Changgyeonggung Palace, which was built during the time of King Jeongjo was repaired after the in 1827 during the reign of the crown prince and appeared in its changed form in Muja Jinjakin 1828. It is believed that the Jagyeongjeonwas expanded and repaired during the reign of Crown Prince Hyomyung to conduct banquets for important guests. Jagyeongjeon which was repaired during the crown prince's reign, is a space where banquets were continuously held during the three years that he reigned, and we can see that it is an important space for royalty where the authority of King Sunjo, Queen Sunwon, and Crown Prince Hyomyung was reflected. Yeongyeongdan(演慶堂) was a structure built in 1828, which is after the period when the Jagyeongjeonwas changed in 1827, and it is a space that emerged during the reign of the crown prince. Hwanchwijeong(環翠亭), which was constructed during the time of King Seongjong was changed after 1827 during the reign of Crown Prince Hyomyung and appeared in its changed form in Muja Jinjakin 1828. Hwanchwijeongwas the place where the Crown Prince Hyomyung stayed and planned banquets and it was repaired along with Jagyeongjeonin 1827. During his reign, the political intent of the crown prince was reflected not in superficial political spaces but in spaces where banquets were held and accordingly the main spaces for banquets and their related royal palace locations were changed or newly established. You need to briefly explain what this and Muja Jinjak are. New information is not provided in this paragraph. You have already established why the crown prince renovated the banquets and its significance in the first two paragraphs. You could just add "Jagyeongjeon(慈慶殿), Yeongyeongdan(演慶堂), and Hwanchwijeong(環翠亭) in Changgyeonggung Palace during his reign were changed and renovated during the time when the royal banquets of the 19th century were getting established. It was spaces that reflected the royal family and royal authority" to the end of the second paragraph and it would convey your intended meaning.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.6 no.3
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• pp.185-200
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• 1998

The eldest son of the crown prince is very important social status next to the crown prince deciding fundamentals of a state in Chosun dynasty which laying stress royal authority. Accordingly, Chakbong(冊封) of the eldest son of the crown prince has been done independently like as Chakrei(冊禮) of the crown prince. The existig record of Chakrei(冊禮) of the eldest son of the crown prince. The existing record of Charkrei(冊禮) of the eldest son of the crown prince are Hyunjongwangseon(顯宗王世孫), Euisoseson(懿昭世孫), Youngjowangseson(英祖王世孫), Hungjongwangseson(憲宗王世孫) of 4 books for Chakreidogameuigue(冊禮都監儀軌) being preserved in Kyujangkak(奎章閣). The transition of classified clothes are stated on Wangse sonchakreidogameuiguebanchado(王世孫冊禮都監儀軌班次圖) for Chakrei(冊禮) of the eldest son of the crown prince. Its details are as below. Finally, there is no changes in constitution of the costume of the eldest son of the crown prince Chakrei(冊禮) called as Ssanggodong(雙童髮)·Gongjungchak(空頂 )·Ojangbok(五章服) on documentary records depsitefo no explanation of Banchado(班次圖). Secondly, The classified clothes of the eldes sion of the crown prince Hcakreibanchado(冊禮班次圖) are on . We have acknowledged that Kwanmo(冠帽) of Dangbukwanwon(堂部官院) has been changed from Heugrib(黑笠) to Samo(紗帽) since Youngjowangseson(英祖王世孫), Euibok(衣服) from Chungpo(靑袍) to Nokdanryung(綠團領), the costume of Euijangsu(儀仗手) from Chunggun(靑巾) to Whangchorib(黃草笠) and changed again to Hongpimoja(紅皮帽子), Chungeui(靑衣) changed to Hongeui(紅衣). Also we know that Kwanmo(冠帽) of Kyogun(轎軍) has been changed to Pimoja(皮帽子) with high top, Chungeui(靑衣) changed to Hongeui(紅衣). The costume of Byulgam(別監) has been changed from Nokgun(綠巾) to Jogun( 巾), Nokpo(綠袍) changed to Pimoja(皮帽子) with high top, Chungeui(靑衣) changed to Hongeui(紅衣). The costume of Byulgam(別監) has been changed from Nokgun(綠巾) to Jogun( 巾), Nokpo(綠袍) changed to Hongpo(紅袍), that of Suri(書吏) changed from Chungeui(靑衣) to Huekeui(黑衣). Accordingly, the transition of costume color to red stands for the briliance. Thirdly, regarding the constitution of the eldest son of the crown prince Chakrei(冊禮), that of Euisoseson(懿昭世孫) & Youngjowangseson(英祖王世孫) are same for Unggolta(態骨朶), Youngjagi(令字旗), Keumdungja(金 子), Eundungja(銀 子), Mojul( 節), Jaksun(雀扇), Chungkae(靑蓋), Chungyangsol(靑陽率). In case of Hunjongseson(懿昭世孫), Baktakgi(白澤旗) is added. On Youngjowangseson(英祖王世孫), Chungilsol(靑日率) and Kiringi(麒麟旗) are added. However, we know that the constitution of the eldestson of the crown prince Hunjong(憲宗) Chakrei(冊禮) is quite different that of previous constitution. i.e. : Hongae(紅蓋), Baktakgi(白澤旗), Samkaggi(三角旗), Kagdangi(角端旗), Byukbonggi(碧鳳旗), Jujakgi(朱雀旗), Kuemdungja(金 子), Eundungja(銀 子), Eunribgwa(銀立瓜), Kuemhwanggwa(金 瓜), Eunhwhanggwa(銀 瓜), Kuemwolbu(金鉞斧), Bongsun(鳳扇), Huegkae(黑蓋). Also the kinds of Eujanggi(儀仗旗) are various which are similar to the constitution of The Crown Prince(世子) Chakrei(冊禮).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.188-207
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• 2013

This study looks at the costumes for the crown prince based on the Hyomyeong of 1817, a collection of the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage. The picture of School Entrance Ceremony of the Crown Prince (王世子入學圖) does not have the crown prince in the scene. However, it can be verified through literature that there are three different costumes for the ceremony. Chulgungui(出宮儀), the ceremony's first procedure, describes the departure of the prince crown from his residence toward Sungkyunkwan (成均館) with his escorting officials. The Crown Prince wears Seoyeonbok (書筵服) during this event. When the Crown Prince arrives at Sungkyunkwan, he participates in a series of ceremonies that consist of Jackhunui (酌獻儀), Wangbokui (往復儀), Supeiui (脩弊儀), and Ipackui (入學儀). At that time, he wears a confucian scholar's uniform. After returning from Sungkyunkwan, he attends Suhaui (受賀儀), the final procedure of the Crown Prince's School Entrance, at Simindang (詩敏堂) of Changgyong Palace(昌慶宮), At this time, the price crown wears Wonyukwanbok (遠遊冠服) as he is congratulated by royal family members and high ranking officials for his entrance to Sungkyunkwan in this ceremony. This point hereby concludes this study on the historical costumes for the prince crown based on the Hyomyeong Crown Prince's School Entrance in 1817.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.59 no.10
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• pp.68-84
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• 2009

A state wedding ceremony of kings and crown princes in the Chosun Dynasty was systemically formalized in a book Five National Ceremonies (1474) as one of the five major formal events of the royal auspicious ceremonies(Ga-rae). For a state wedding, Ga-rae Protocol was made by a devision for Ga-rae temporarily established for the occasion. A total number of auspicious ceremony protocols of kings and crown princes amounts to 20 in the span of 279 years. Among the proposals, the wedding of Soon-jong in the Imo Year of 1882 is described most thoroughly. Nap-bin-ui(reception of bride) comprises six rituals which are nap-chae, nap-jing, go-gyi, chaek-bin, chin-young, and dong-ryae. A grand formal costume of the crown prince is granted based on the 'Seven Parts Formal Costume' of the first year of the king Moon-jong in 1450 together with an official costume for crown prince(Gon-myeon-chil-jang) arranged in the third year of the king Young-rak. In the royal palace of the Chosun Dynasty, the granted formal costume of the crown prince is officially recorded as a code and presented in a Gwon-ji-il section of the Formalities of the Five National Ceremonies. The formal costume and its accessory set for the crown prince recorded as a code are described in Sangbang Jeong-ryae as the formal costume of the crown prince section published by the king's request at the high senate commission in the 28th year of the king Young-jo in 1752. The aim of the study is to investigate the formal costume of the crown prince as an auspicious ceremonial costume worn at the wedding in the year of Imo.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.28
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• pp.169-186
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• 1996

Wangeja Chulgungdo (The Painting for a Crown Prince's Outgoing for Schooling to Sungkyunkwan) for this study which is held by the Korean university Museum is a kind of documentary paintings which not only have the value of art history but also give a glimpse of the court ceremonies for a Crown Prince. This painting offers various historical clues to understand the procedure for a Crown Prince's official entrance of Sungkyunkwan participants of the ceremony and other ceremony-related items$\ulcorner$Wangseja chulgungdo$\lrcorner$ was the painting drawn for a series of court procedures of Crown Prince Munjo's official en-trance of Sungkynkwan. When he was old enough to begin learning Sohak on March 11. 1817 that is ; he held Heonjakrye(a ceremony for offering drinks to the ancestors) at Munmyo passed Iphakye(a ceremony for en-trance of school) at Myungryundang and received Suharye the next day. $\ulcorner$Wangseja Chulgungdo$\lrcorner$ had the strong char-acteristics of documentary paintings in terms of art history which was intended to leave the historical event of a Crown Prince's entrance. It reflected the traits of documentary painting style in late Chosun Dynasty; a technique that strongly relieved the ceremonial scenes against the background such as mountains and rivers; a painting that not only captured the vivid actions of personalities ar the crucial moment of the ceremony but also depicted the cer-emonial vessels and items very realistically. Authors could confirm the ceremonial think-ing of the traditional society through a Crown Prince's entrance which controlled the details of every part of the performances of the court ceremony.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.31
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• pp.47-60
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• 1997

As we analyzed the formalities of court dress during King Soonjo's rule through the characters depicted in $\boxDr$Wangseja Chulgungdo$\boxUl$(The Painting for a Crown Prince's Outgoing for Schooling to Sungkyunkwan) the results were as follows: People wore their appropriate full dress ac-cording to the ceremonial procedures. In the case of a Crown Prince normally the wore Gongjungchaek(a hat) (after the coming-of-age ceremony Iksunkwan) and Gonryongpo(imperial clothes) to show his status as a Crown Prince. He wore chugkumbok(a Coat) to indicate a Crown Prince as being a student. on an occasion of celebration a Crown Prince wore Wonyugwan and Gangsapo to provide him with prestige and as a sign of respect for the occasion. The teacher of a Crown Prince also wore Gongbok and Sangbok accoding to the dress requirements of the ceremonies. We can confirm that the Gongbok system of all government officials had been main-tained in the late Chosun dynasty. We know that the form of ceremonies be-came simplified in the late Chosun dynasty. it was recorded that students had to wear Chungkumbok. but we knew from the painting that students actually wore Dopo(a traditonal korean coat). We knew through this painting that the court dress rules of the late Chosun dynasty varied that previously known. As we concluded above research on the his-tory of costume by analyzing paintings both supplements our knowledge of the topic and confirms the deficiency in the study of the his-tory of costume based solely upon literature and books.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.35
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• pp.265-279
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• 1997

Through eight folding screens for Chac Rae and ban Cha Do we have learned the costumes of people who participate in Chac Rae ceremonty being accompanied by social positions. Firstly the costumes of crown prince can be classified in two parts. One is costumes of Chac Rae befor Kwan Rae the other is costumes of Chac Rae after Kwan Rae Also we know the costumes of Chac Rae before kwan Rae is consisted of SSangdonggae Gong-jungchak Chilchangbok Mean-while the crown prince wore Myunbok at chac rae after Kwan rae. Second Chakbongdo tell us various types of Youngbok by blue-black and red colored chulik Third we can see Uijangsu who wore Sangbok on Chakbongdo and know their brilliant costume colors on ban Cha Do through Hongmo on Chunguei Chungmo on honguei Hongmo on Honguei violet-Lip on honguei mean-while Kyokun wears Hongmo on Honguei and hoimo on Hoiuei. Forth regarding the costume of Byulgam Chakbongdo appears Chogun on Hongpo belting blue belt wearing blackboots Meantime ban Cha Do shows Chogun on Hongpo wearing shoes. As reviewed above we know various color and types of costumes through Chakbongdo & Ban Cha Do on Crown prince Chacraedogam and would lide to deepen Chac Rae of crown prince including the costumes of Chac Rae of the crown princess the eldest son of the crown price the eldest brother of the king.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.69-86
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• 2020

Haenghaeng Ilgi (Diary of a Royal Trip) (koo 7152; hereafter Ilgi) in the collection of the National Museum of Korea provides an account of Crown Prince Sado's incognito royal visit to Pyeongyang in the fourth month of 1761. Ilgi was written by Ham Daeil, a low-ranking military officer in Pyeongyang. Ham was singled out for praise by Crown Prince Sado (1735-1762) and served the prince from the seventh day of the fourth month to the first day of the fifth month. Ilgi documented the deeds of Crown Prince Sado during this period and provides detailed information on his incognito visit to Pyeongyang, which was not officially recorded. Ilgi shows characteristics differentiating it from many other diaries. For example, the quality of the paper, neat handwriting, and well-organized sentences differ from those of common diaries. These distinctions indicate that Ilgi is closer to an official document than a private diary written by an individual. Since Ilgi records Crown Prince Sado's incognito visit to Pyeongyang, is only vaguely known otherwise, its contents need to be examined in terms of whether or not they are fully factual. As the first step in such verification, It is traced that Ham Daeil's family history which turned out to match what is written in Ilgi. Moreover, Ilgi mentions about Prince Crown Sado's writing a piece of calligraphy, and a matching piece of calligraphy written by Sado still survives today. It can be confirmed that the contents of Ilgi are factual in at least these regards. However, although Crown Prince Sado was known to have met people from various social classes during his visit to Pyeongyang, Ilgi focuses only on Crown Prince Sado and Ham Daeil. This suggests the possibility that the surviving version of Ilgi may be an edited condensation based on original texts containing more complete information on Crown Prince Sado's visit. Ilgi is presumed to have been produced during the generation of Ham Jeonghui, a son of Ham Daeil. The dates of birth and death of Ham Daeil fall during the reign of King Yeongjo. It is unlikely that any records regarding Crown Prince Sado would have been published while King Yeongjo, who was hostile to Sado, ruled the country. Ilgi also provides strong evidence that Ham Jeonghui presented the subsequent king, King Jeongjo, with the calligraphy by Crown Prince Sado and the diary. It is unclear if the book Ham Jeonghui presented him was the same as the extant version of Ilgi. Nonetheless, considering the situation at the time when King Jeongjo was pursuing several projects to honor his father Sado, it is highly probable that Ilgi was produced during the reign of King Jeongjo. The periods of presenting the calligraphy and the diary respectively overlapped with the production of Hyeollyungwon, the royal tomb of Crown Prince Sado, and Sado's sixtieth birthday. Therefore, is it considered reasonable that Ham Jeonghui produced Ilgi to promote his own social ambitions.