• Strategy21
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• 통권44호
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• pp.54-78
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• 2018

The core of the current constitutional amendment pursued by the Abe administration depends on the status of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces, which include the right to engage in war, in the legal and regular military positions. This is an important turning point for the Abe administration, which aims to become a normal country for Japan, and it is a series of steps that followed in the revision of the U.S. and Japan guidelines in 2015 and the overhaul of the security law in 2016. In this paper, we propose building "A navy Attractive to Alliances" as a way to secure Korea's maritime security under the current security environment. The term "attraction" refers to the alliance "first priority" especially in the United States. The way to do this is to transform the paradigm of the ROK-U.S. alliance into a naval hub in the vast seas, which will allow us to strengthen our national defense and even deter threats from neighboring countries. To this end, our navy needs to have a more active approach to U.S. East Asian strategy. If we can convince the United States to be a nation that contributes more to its East Asian strategy, it will only lead to a strengthening of the status of its alliance and expansion of its unilateral support and military capability against Japan, thus minimizing Japan's influence.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.71-106
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• 2018

The 19th CPC National Congress has a key historical significance in the development of China's constitution. It will also play a decisive role in the history of the seventy years'constitutional change in New China. XiJinping's new socialist thought with Chinese characteristics established in the report of 19th CPC National Congress will be written in the preface of the March 2018 National People's Congress's constitutional amendment. The fifth revision of 1982 Constitution will touch on many issues such as the leadership of the CPC into the constitution, the abolition of the tenure of the president, the constitutional oath system, and the reform of the national supervisory system. In addition, the constitutionality review system, the establishment of the National Security Council, the constitutional status of socialist public property and private property and the adjustment of major economic system has become a hot topic in the theory field. In the history node towards a socialist country ruled by law, the theory and practice of the China indeed have the academic ideas, value position and path model differences, which will delay the Chinese constitutional development, but also is the necessary pain in the process of moving towards the rule of law in China. Indeed, how to the development and where to go in the future of Chinese constitutionalism itself has sample value, which deserves rational attention and in-depth inquiry from Chinese and Western academics.

• 기술혁신학회지
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• 제21권3호
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• pp.1179-1206
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• 2018

대한민국은 '과학기술'을 경제발전을 위한 수단으로 규정한 산업화 시대의 헌법을 바탕으로 포스트-산업화 시대에 접어들었다. 새 시대에 걸맞은 헌법 개정 있어서, 헌법에 고착된 '산업화 시대의 관성'을 밝히는 것이 우선이다. 이를 위하여 과학 기술 관련 헌법 조문을 비교법적 통시적으로 살펴보았다. 헌법에서 함의된 산업화 시대의 관성은 다음의 세 가지이다. 첫째, 헌법적 용어인 '과학기술'의 협착성(狹窄性)이다. 헌법에서 '과학은 기술에 종속되고, 기술은 과학에 한정' 되었다. 둘째, 과학기술의 경제발전 수단화이다. 셋째, 현행 헌법 제127조에 기재된 '혁신'이 '진흥 창달'의 개념으로 통념되는 것이다. 산업화 시대의 공업화의 기초로서 통념된 '과학'은 산업기술 획득의 수단에서 해방되어야 하고, 포스트-산업화 시대의 '기술'은 다양성과 창의성을 통섭(通涉)해야 한다. 또한, 경제발전 이외의 과학 기술의 다양한 영향을 인정하는 헌법 규정이 필요하고, 이는 '과학 기술국가 원리'의 헌법적 선언을 의미한다. 마지막으로 '4차 산업혁명'이라고 불리는 변화의 시대에 한국형 국가혁신체제를 헌법의 틀 안에서 재정립해야 한다. 포스트-산업화 시대의 탈추격형 기술혁신 체계에서는 정치 경제 사회 문화의 모든 영역에 있어서 개인의 자유와 창의가 최고도로 발휘되어야 한다. 국가의 모든 영역에서 자유 평등과 함께 '창의'를 국가의 기본 성격으로 삼았던 제헌헌법 제5조의 규정을 전문 또는 총강에 부활시켜 포스트-산업화 시대의 한국형 국가혁신체제의 헌법적 비전을 마련해야 한다.

• 한국항해학회지
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• 제19권4호
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• pp.9-40
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• 1995

Since Korean Seamen Act(herein after called "the Act") has been legislated in 1962, an amendment of the Act has duly performed several times in order to meet an essential guideline of appropriate international convention and practical requirement of domestic labour movement. As the Act in many area, is based on the application of international convention and regulations, it has been considered essential to call attention to such international rules, to emphasize their importance, and to indicate how and to what extent they may be incorporated in national law, in accordance with national constitutional rules and requirements. Of newly amended act in 1991, it could, however, not fully reflect an adequate and modern labour standard as a guideline of the convention. Therefore, a principal objective of this paper is to provide a comprehensive reference work to assist amending up-to-data seamen act against the Act. The guidelines, however, do not attempt to suggest or formulate a legislative programme, but rather provide an ordered and specific content corresponding to international convention adopted by ILO. Consequentially, these guidelines aim to direct the reader and legislator toward the sources and contents of what has come to constitute an international code of maritime labour standards. The guidelines described herein may also serve as a specific arrangement to the various kinds of legal aspects to be regulated through reasonable future amendment under amicable agreement between interesting parties.g parties.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제22권1호
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• pp.67-90
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• 2018

프랑스에서 테러범의 국적박탈을 가능하게 한 것은 1996년 법부터로 이후 두 차례(1998년 법, 2006년 법)의 관련 법 개정이 있었다. 이어 2010년 이민 법안에 국적박탈 구문 수정안이 발의된 바 있고 2015-2016년에 국적박탈 대상 확장을 가능하게 하는 헌법개정안이 논의되었지만 채택되지 않았다. 하지만 이러한 일련의 과정을 통해 이중국적자와 테러범과의 관계가 쟁점으로 떠오르고 이민자와 안보문제는 더 밀접한 상관관계를 갖게 되었다. 특히 2016년에는 올랑드의 헌법 개정안이 포기되었지만 비상사태는 계속 연장되고 이중국적자 국적박탈 문제는 뜨거운 논쟁으로 남겨졌다. 4개월 넘게 지속된 논의 끝에 국가비상사태 조항 삽입과 함께 국적박탈 확장 계획을 담은 헌법개정안이 철회되었지만 그 동안 비정치적인 사안(non-politicized)이었던 이중국적자 문제는 정치적 쟁점(politicized)이 되어 안보문제로 규정되는 안보화(securitized)의 경로를 거치게 된다. 이는 부잔(Buzan)을 위시한 코펜하겐 학파가 주장하는 안보화의 '두 단계 과정(Two-stage process of securitization)'을 거쳤음을 보여준다. 코펜하겐 학파의 안보화 개념이 중요한 것은 안보화 과정의 구성적 요소에 주목하기 때문이다. 이러한 안보화의 경로를 프랑스에서 이중국적자의 국적박탈 논쟁에 적용해보면 쟁점이 되지 않았던 비정치적인 이중국적자 문제가 화행(speech-act) 또는 공표효과(announcement effect)를 통해 어떻게 정치화되어 사회적 어젠다로 규정되는 지를 고찰할 수 있다.

• 의료법학
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.3-39
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• 2019

헌법재판소가 2012년 8월 23일 낙태죄 규정을 합헌으로 결정한 이후에도 낙태죄 폐지에 대한 논란은 지속되어 왔다. 낙태죄의 존폐논란은 최근에만 일어난 일이 아니라 이미 형법제정 당시부터 있었던 것으로, 대한민국의 근대입법과정과 역사를 같이 한다. 당시 형법제정과정에서 낙태죄의 전면삭제를 주장하면서 수정안을 제출했던 의원들은 사회·경제적 적응사유를 핵심적인 제안이유로 제시하기도 하였다. 이후 개발독재기에도 낙태죄의 폐지가 논의되었으나, 이는 여성의 인권을 보장하기 위한 것이 아니라, 박정희 독재정권의 '산아제한', '가족계획'이라는 국책사업과 관련이 있었다. 이후 인공임신중절을 제한적으로나마 허용하는 「모자보건법」의 제정은 유신으로 국회가 해산된 후 입법권을 대신하게 된 비상국무회의에서 1973년 2월 8일 이루어졌고, 1973년 5월 10일부터 시행되었다. 그나마 일부라도 낙태의 합법화를 포함하는 「모자보건법」이 가능했던 배경은 당시 유신독재가 어떠한 이견도 허락하지 않았기 때문에, 종교계에서도 반대 의견을 표명하기 어려웠기 때문일 것으로 보인다. 이렇게 제정된 「모자보건법」은 지금까지 약간의 수정만을 거치며 그대로 유지되어왔다. 낙태죄 존폐론의 논거들도 형법제정 당시와 큰 차이 없이 그대로 평행선을 달려왔다고 볼 수 있다. 2012년 8월 23일 헌법재판소의 결정에서도 합헌의견과 위헌의견이 4:4로 팽팽하게 맞섰었다. 다만 헌법재판소의 위헌결정을 위한 정족수를 채우지 못하여 합헌으로 결정하였다. 이 낙태죄 폐지 논쟁은 이번 헌법재판소의 헌법불합치 결정으로 일단락되었고, 국회는 새로운 입법이라는 과제를 부담한다. 즉 국회는 적어도 2020년 12월 31일까지 개선입법을 이행하여야 하고, 그때까지 개선입법이 이루어지지 않으면 낙태죄조항들(「형법」 제269조제1항, 제270조제1항)은 2021년 1월 1일부터 효력을 상실한다. 따라서 아래에서 우선 형법상 낙태죄 규정에 대한 헌법재판소 헌법불합치 결정의 논거가 무엇인지를 살펴보고(II), 과거의 헌법재판소와 대법원의 논증구조와 어떠한 점에서 차이를 가지는지, 그리고 헌법재판소 헌법불합치 결정에서 나타난 쟁점을 무엇인지를 검토한 후(III), 헌법재판소가 제시한 기준에 따른 입법재량의 범위 안에서 입법방향과 이미 제출된 「형법」과 「모자보건법」의 개정안에 대하여 검토(IV)하였다.

• 보건행정학회지
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• 제29권4호
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• pp.382-393
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• 2019

The right to petition is a classical right of the people in constitutional states, and in Korea, it is a statutory right in the Constitution, the National Assembly Law, the Petition Law, and the Local Autonomy Act. The healthcare community first made a successful petition to the National Assembly when it achieved the amendment of the Government Organization Act through a petition to the National Assembly for the independence of the Ministry of Health, and this achievement served as the basis for further petitions. Since then, the healthcare community has successfully achieved the enactment and amendment of related occupational laws through National Assembly petitions, such as the amendment of Article 41, Paragraph 7 of the former Medical Insurance Act (Korean Medical Association, 14th Assembly), enactment of the Dental Health Act (Korean Dental Association, 15th Assembly), and amendment of the Health Functional Foods Act (Korea Pharmaceutical Association, 16th Assembly). Its petition accomplishment rate is higher than the total petition accomplishment rate of the Health and Welfare Committee of the National Assembly. However, along with the overall decrease in the number of National Assembly petitions, the Korean Medical Association and Korea Pharmaceutical Association have not achieved any results through petitioning since the 16th Assembly (June 2000), and the Korean Hospital Association and Korean Nurses Association have not achieved any results through petitioning since the 17th Assembly (April 2004). Furthermore, no National Assembly petitions have been made at all for 5 years (2014-2018). The Korean Medical Association and Korea Pharmaceutical Association previously showed a high petition accomplishment rate through their accumulated experience with National Assembly petitions and vigorous policy assistance from doctors/pharmacists/nurses turned lawmakers. More specifically, healthcare organizations have achieved results by actively conducting organized activities with the National Assembly, as implemented by a national assembly director and employees, and in case of petitions for legislation, each group has established infrastructure for reviewing the relevant laws by appointing a legislative director, as well as a legal advisor and advisory counsel. Although the organization that has submitted the most petitions to the National Assembly is the Korean Hospital Association, the group with the highest petition success rate is the Korean Medical Association, which may be linked to the relatively high proportion of doctors who have become lawmakers. Furthermore, the fact that other healthcare organizations were highly interested in petitioning the National Assembly has had major implications for the petition activities of healthcare organizations.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제3권2호
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• pp.59-85
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• 2019

The Hong Kong's Anti-Ordinance Amendment Movement is the most serious radical social movement since the 1997 return, which has served as the promotion of the 2014 Occupy Central Movement and broken through the violence baseline. The movement came from a criminal case committed in Taiwan,which gave a good reason and motivation for the HK government to amend the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance. The HK government has responded to the protests by strictly limiting the legal scope and transfer procedure, even giving up the legislative motion. But the protests still say no and develop into the constantly violent activities. Many of the protests have committed the crimes in HK laws,part of whom have been arrested,prosecuted and under judicially judged. It is necessary for the offenders to be punished to protect the authority of rule of law in HK. Two different paths for HK have fought against each other since the 1997 return: one is the "democratic-welfare" path taken by the Pan-Democratic Camp, the other is the "Legal-development" path taken by the Pan-Establishment Camp. The second path shares some nuclear characteristics of the so-called The China Model mainly shaped from the 40-years Reforms and Openness. However, the HK people can't understand the China Model very well and show great fear and distrust on the judicial system of Mainland China. The foreign powers such as US and UK have illegally interfered the HK issues which are deemed to be the domestic affairs of China. The so-called Sino-UK Joint Declaration can't serve as the legal basis for the interference. Taiwan, as a part of China, also plays a negative role in this movement for its electoral and political interest. Up to now, the movement has gone down and the HK government has the legal capacity to solve the problems under the supports from the central government and the HK people. The HK people love its rule of law and order under the constitutional framework of One Country Two System. After the movement,One Country Two Systems will be go on, and the integrated development under the policies of the central government will be the main stream. However, the relevant problems exposed by this movement muse be checked and solved legally and strictly,especially concerning the social inequality and youth development.

• 한국IT서비스학회지
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• 제12권1호
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• pp.131-141
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• 2013

Matters related to the right to be forgotten started the dispute Europe to introduce it first when Data Protection Directive established in 1995 proceeded revision. Relating to this, diverse disputes proceed on responding to personal information protection and internet laws in our nation. Especially as our National Assembly submitted the law regarding the promotion of information and communication network use and protection of information and amendment of copyright, it is necessary to look into the movement on introduction of law of right to be forgotten closely in detail. EU which attempted the institutionalization for the first time, relating to review of General Data Protection Regulation, proposed opinions such as the necessity to define subjects of personal information concretely and specifically and or protection target and balanced consideration on freedom of expression which is constitutional value. In the case of our nation, there was legislation attempt to introduce the regulation but it was limited in the form of fallen effectiveness without concrete and detailed review on internet law. To solve such problems, it is necessary to look into issues and matters to be considered required to accept right to be forgotten closely and discuss possibility of introducing right to be forgotten, conflicts between fundamental rights becoming issue, effect of goal achievement of personal information protection through the system introduction, and other rational acceptance method.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.68-78
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• 2021

Political weblogs are as diverse as political viewpoints are. In the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, several political crises occurred, such as opposition to the Amnesty Act, the constitutional amendment, and the anti-government protests. Remarkably, during this time, social media were used as a platform for political expressions. This study employed a content analysis method to explore twenty-nine Thai political weblogs established during the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra's administration. At the time, the most prominent Thai political weblogger was Nidhi Eawsriwong. Not surprisingly, the Pheu Thai Party and the Democrat Party were the most frequently appearing political parties in these weblog's posts. Most contents in these posts were related to government protesters by the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the coup d'état. The purposes of writing such weblogs were to express feelings and thoughts about Thai politics and to provide political information to the general public. The findings from this investigation revealed two significant uses of Thai political weblogs: the communication media for political expressions and viewpoints (a safe online space for political engagement and participation), and vital sources for Thai political information and news (social narratives).