• Strategy21
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• s.44
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• pp.54-78
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• 2018

The core of the current constitutional amendment pursued by the Abe administration depends on the status of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces, which include the right to engage in war, in the legal and regular military positions. This is an important turning point for the Abe administration, which aims to become a normal country for Japan, and it is a series of steps that followed in the revision of the U.S. and Japan guidelines in 2015 and the overhaul of the security law in 2016. In this paper, we propose building "A navy Attractive to Alliances" as a way to secure Korea's maritime security under the current security environment. The term "attraction" refers to the alliance "first priority" especially in the United States. The way to do this is to transform the paradigm of the ROK-U.S. alliance into a naval hub in the vast seas, which will allow us to strengthen our national defense and even deter threats from neighboring countries. To this end, our navy needs to have a more active approach to U.S. East Asian strategy. If we can convince the United States to be a nation that contributes more to its East Asian strategy, it will only lead to a strengthening of the status of its alliance and expansion of its unilateral support and military capability against Japan, thus minimizing Japan's influence.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.71-106
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• 2018

The 19th CPC National Congress has a key historical significance in the development of China's constitution. It will also play a decisive role in the history of the seventy years'constitutional change in New China. XiJinping's new socialist thought with Chinese characteristics established in the report of 19th CPC National Congress will be written in the preface of the March 2018 National People's Congress's constitutional amendment. The fifth revision of 1982 Constitution will touch on many issues such as the leadership of the CPC into the constitution, the abolition of the tenure of the president, the constitutional oath system, and the reform of the national supervisory system. In addition, the constitutionality review system, the establishment of the National Security Council, the constitutional status of socialist public property and private property and the adjustment of major economic system has become a hot topic in the theory field. In the history node towards a socialist country ruled by law, the theory and practice of the China indeed have the academic ideas, value position and path model differences, which will delay the Chinese constitutional development, but also is the necessary pain in the process of moving towards the rule of law in China. Indeed, how to the development and where to go in the future of Chinese constitutionalism itself has sample value, which deserves rational attention and in-depth inquiry from Chinese and Western academics.

• Journal of Korea Technology Innovation Society
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.1179-1206
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• 2018

Korea has entered into a post-industrial era with the Constitution of the industrial age, which defines 'science technology' as a means for national economic development. For Constitutional amendment for the new era, it is necessary to identify the "inertia of the industrial age" adhered to the Constitution. To this end, I analyzed the Constitution concerning 'science-technology' with comparative legal study and diachronic approach. The "inertia of the industrialization age" implied by the Constitution is as follows. First, it is constriction of 'science and technology'. In the Constitution, science is subordinate to technology, technology is limited to science. Second, it marks 'science and technology' as a means for economic development. Third, 'innovation' in Article 127 is still conceived as 'development or promotion'. The 'science' must be liberated from the means for industrial technology, and the 'technology' must be convergent with diversity and creativity. In addition, a constitutional provision acknowledging various influences of science and technology other than economic development is required, which means constitutional declaration of 'science and technology state principle'. Finally, in the era of so-called 'the Fourth Industrial Revolution', the Korean national innovation system(KNIS) should be re-established within the framework of the Constitution. In the post-industrial era, the pursuit of technological innovation system should based on individual freedom and creativity to the best in all areas of science, technology, politics, economy, society and culture. Therefore, renaissance of Article 5 of the constitutional Constitution is required for the KNIS, which had made 'Creativity' the basic character of the state along with 'Liberty and Equality'.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Navigation
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.9-40
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• 1995

Since Korean Seamen Act(herein after called "the Act") has been legislated in 1962, an amendment of the Act has duly performed several times in order to meet an essential guideline of appropriate international convention and practical requirement of domestic labour movement. As the Act in many area, is based on the application of international convention and regulations, it has been considered essential to call attention to such international rules, to emphasize their importance, and to indicate how and to what extent they may be incorporated in national law, in accordance with national constitutional rules and requirements. Of newly amended act in 1991, it could, however, not fully reflect an adequate and modern labour standard as a guideline of the convention. Therefore, a principal objective of this paper is to provide a comprehensive reference work to assist amending up-to-data seamen act against the Act. The guidelines, however, do not attempt to suggest or formulate a legislative programme, but rather provide an ordered and specific content corresponding to international convention adopted by ILO. Consequentially, these guidelines aim to direct the reader and legislator toward the sources and contents of what has come to constitute an international code of maritime labour standards. The guidelines described herein may also serve as a specific arrangement to the various kinds of legal aspects to be regulated through reasonable future amendment under amicable agreement between interesting parties.g parties.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.67-90
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• 2018

France has allowed a deprivation of nationality for terrorism since 1996 Law. After then, a series of law revision (1998, 2006 law and 2010, 2015-2015 reform tries) have not only linked an act of terror with nationality deprivation but also put the dual national and their deprivation at the centre of dispute. Both 2010 Immigration Law by Sarkozy and 2015-2016 constitutional amendment by Hollande had been not adopted but have combined immigrants and security issue together by firmly solidifying the relationship between dual national and terrorist. Especially in 2015-2016, the constitutional amendment that failed to be adopted has extended a state of emergency and left the nationality deprivation of dual national as controversial issue. After over 4 months of discussion, the amendment that contains a clause of a state of emergency and extension plan for nationality deprivation was abolished but the dual national issues which had been non-politicized has now become politicized, defined as security issues and finally securitized. It shows very two-stage process of securitization argued by Copenhagen school including Buzan. The importance of securitization notion by Copenhagen school lies on the fact that it scrutinizes the constructive elements of the process of securitization. The concept of securitization allows us to see the problem of the process that defines a non-politicized issue as security one by making it political matter. Applying this process of securitization into the controversy of nationality deprivation of dual nationals in France, we can find out the development of non-controversial and non-politicized dual national issues into social agenda by politicization through speech-act or announcement effect.

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.3-39
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• 2019

Even after the Constitutional Court decided on August 23, 2012 that the provisions of abortion were constitutional, discussions on the abolition of abortion continued. The controversy about abortion is not only happening recently, but it has already existed since the time when the Penal Code was enacted, and it shares the history of modern legislation with the Republic of Korea. Legislators whom submitted amendment while insisting upon the eradication of abortion in the process of enacting criminal law at that time, presented social and economic adaptation reasons as the core reason. From then on, the abolition of abortion has been discussed during the development dictatorship, but this was not intended to guarantee women's human rights, but it was closely connected to the national policy projects of "Contraception" and "Family Planning" of the Park's dictatorship. Since then, the enactment of the Mother and Child Health Law, which restrictively allow artificial abortion, was held on February 8, 1973, in an emergency cabinet meeting that replaced the legislative power after the National Assembly was disbanded. It became effected May 10th. The reason behind the Mother and Child Health Law that included legalization of abortion in part was that the Revitalizing Reform at that time did not allow any opinion, so it seem to be it was difficult for the religious to express opposition. The "Maternal and Child Health Law" enacted in this way has been maintained through several amendments. It can be seen that the question of maintenance of abortion has been running on parallel lines without any significant difference from the time when the Penal Code was enacted. On August 23, 2012, the Constitutional Court decided that the Constitutional Opinion and the unonstitutional Opinion were 4: 4. However, it was decided by the Constitution without satisfying the quorum for unconstitutional decision of the Constitutional Court. This argument about abolition of abortion is settled for the the time being with the decision of the constitutional inconsistency of the Constitutional Court, and now, the National Assembly bears the issue of new legislation. In other words, the improved legislation must be executed until December 31, 2020, and if the previous improved legislation is not implemented, the crime of abortion (Article 269, Paragraph 1, Article 270 of the Criminal Code) Article 1 (1) will cease to be effective from 1 January 2021. Therefore, in the following, we will look into the reason of the Constitutional Court's constitutional discordance adjudication on criminal abortion(II), and how it structurally differs from the previous Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court. After considering key issues arised from the constitutional discordance adjudication(III), the legislative direction and within the scope of legislative discretion in accordance with the criteria presented by the Constitutional Court We reviewed the proposed revisions to the Penal Code and the Mather and Child Health Act of Korea(IV).

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.382-393
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• 2019

The right to petition is a classical right of the people in constitutional states, and in Korea, it is a statutory right in the Constitution, the National Assembly Law, the Petition Law, and the Local Autonomy Act. The healthcare community first made a successful petition to the National Assembly when it achieved the amendment of the Government Organization Act through a petition to the National Assembly for the independence of the Ministry of Health, and this achievement served as the basis for further petitions. Since then, the healthcare community has successfully achieved the enactment and amendment of related occupational laws through National Assembly petitions, such as the amendment of Article 41, Paragraph 7 of the former Medical Insurance Act (Korean Medical Association, 14th Assembly), enactment of the Dental Health Act (Korean Dental Association, 15th Assembly), and amendment of the Health Functional Foods Act (Korea Pharmaceutical Association, 16th Assembly). Its petition accomplishment rate is higher than the total petition accomplishment rate of the Health and Welfare Committee of the National Assembly. However, along with the overall decrease in the number of National Assembly petitions, the Korean Medical Association and Korea Pharmaceutical Association have not achieved any results through petitioning since the 16th Assembly (June 2000), and the Korean Hospital Association and Korean Nurses Association have not achieved any results through petitioning since the 17th Assembly (April 2004). Furthermore, no National Assembly petitions have been made at all for 5 years (2014-2018). The Korean Medical Association and Korea Pharmaceutical Association previously showed a high petition accomplishment rate through their accumulated experience with National Assembly petitions and vigorous policy assistance from doctors/pharmacists/nurses turned lawmakers. More specifically, healthcare organizations have achieved results by actively conducting organized activities with the National Assembly, as implemented by a national assembly director and employees, and in case of petitions for legislation, each group has established infrastructure for reviewing the relevant laws by appointing a legislative director, as well as a legal advisor and advisory counsel. Although the organization that has submitted the most petitions to the National Assembly is the Korean Hospital Association, the group with the highest petition success rate is the Korean Medical Association, which may be linked to the relatively high proportion of doctors who have become lawmakers. Furthermore, the fact that other healthcare organizations were highly interested in petitioning the National Assembly has had major implications for the petition activities of healthcare organizations.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.59-85
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• 2019

The Hong Kong's Anti-Ordinance Amendment Movement is the most serious radical social movement since the 1997 return, which has served as the promotion of the 2014 Occupy Central Movement and broken through the violence baseline. The movement came from a criminal case committed in Taiwan,which gave a good reason and motivation for the HK government to amend the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance. The HK government has responded to the protests by strictly limiting the legal scope and transfer procedure, even giving up the legislative motion. But the protests still say no and develop into the constantly violent activities. Many of the protests have committed the crimes in HK laws,part of whom have been arrested,prosecuted and under judicially judged. It is necessary for the offenders to be punished to protect the authority of rule of law in HK. Two different paths for HK have fought against each other since the 1997 return: one is the "democratic-welfare" path taken by the Pan-Democratic Camp, the other is the "Legal-development" path taken by the Pan-Establishment Camp. The second path shares some nuclear characteristics of the so-called The China Model mainly shaped from the 40-years Reforms and Openness. However, the HK people can't understand the China Model very well and show great fear and distrust on the judicial system of Mainland China. The foreign powers such as US and UK have illegally interfered the HK issues which are deemed to be the domestic affairs of China. The so-called Sino-UK Joint Declaration can't serve as the legal basis for the interference. Taiwan, as a part of China, also plays a negative role in this movement for its electoral and political interest. Up to now, the movement has gone down and the HK government has the legal capacity to solve the problems under the supports from the central government and the HK people. The HK people love its rule of law and order under the constitutional framework of One Country Two System. After the movement,One Country Two Systems will be go on, and the integrated development under the policies of the central government will be the main stream. However, the relevant problems exposed by this movement muse be checked and solved legally and strictly,especially concerning the social inequality and youth development.

• Journal of Information Technology Services
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.131-141
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• 2013

Matters related to the right to be forgotten started the dispute Europe to introduce it first when Data Protection Directive established in 1995 proceeded revision. Relating to this, diverse disputes proceed on responding to personal information protection and internet laws in our nation. Especially as our National Assembly submitted the law regarding the promotion of information and communication network use and protection of information and amendment of copyright, it is necessary to look into the movement on introduction of law of right to be forgotten closely in detail. EU which attempted the institutionalization for the first time, relating to review of General Data Protection Regulation, proposed opinions such as the necessity to define subjects of personal information concretely and specifically and or protection target and balanced consideration on freedom of expression which is constitutional value. In the case of our nation, there was legislation attempt to introduce the regulation but it was limited in the form of fallen effectiveness without concrete and detailed review on internet law. To solve such problems, it is necessary to look into issues and matters to be considered required to accept right to be forgotten closely and discuss possibility of introducing right to be forgotten, conflicts between fundamental rights becoming issue, effect of goal achievement of personal information protection through the system introduction, and other rational acceptance method.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.68-78
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• 2021

Political weblogs are as diverse as political viewpoints are. In the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, several political crises occurred, such as opposition to the Amnesty Act, the constitutional amendment, and the anti-government protests. Remarkably, during this time, social media were used as a platform for political expressions. This study employed a content analysis method to explore twenty-nine Thai political weblogs established during the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra's administration. At the time, the most prominent Thai political weblogger was Nidhi Eawsriwong. Not surprisingly, the Pheu Thai Party and the Democrat Party were the most frequently appearing political parties in these weblog's posts. Most contents in these posts were related to government protesters by the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the coup d'état. The purposes of writing such weblogs were to express feelings and thoughts about Thai politics and to provide political information to the general public. The findings from this investigation revealed two significant uses of Thai political weblogs: the communication media for political expressions and viewpoints (a safe online space for political engagement and participation), and vital sources for Thai political information and news (social narratives).