Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing Administration
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v.12
no.2
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pp.265-275
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2006
Purpose: The purpose of this study is to identify and to investigate the nursing organizational culture. Method: A descriptive correlational study was conducted with convenience sample of 448 staff nurses who were working for six general hospitals located in Seoul, Province of Gyeonggi and Province of Chung-cheong. The period of data collection took over 5 months between August and December. Organization Culture Questionnaire developed by Lee (2001) were used to measure nursing organizational culture. Collected data were analysed on SPSS Win 12.0. Result: The meta culture of the nursing organizations was the conservative culture. The cultural pattern of nursing organizations was classified into three patterns which were conservative-dominant culture, symmetric culture and innovative-task culture. Conclusions: The meta culture of the nursing organizations was the conservative culture. But conservative culture decreased nurses' outcomes. Therefore the nurse manager should develop a symmetric organizational culture including four types of culture than dominant culture of one type.
Kim, Young-Kyung;Chu, Wan-Sik;Lee, Ho-Jeong;Ahn, Dong-Kuk;Yoo, Hyun-Mi;Kim, Sung-Kyo
Restorative Dentistry and Endodontics
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v.29
no.3
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pp.239-248
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2004
The purpose of this study was to investigate the influence of NK1 receptor antagonists on the pulpal blood flow (PBF) when applied iontophoretically through the dentinal cavity of the teeth in order to understand whether iontophoretically applied NK1 receptor antagonists can control the pulpal inflammation. Eleven cats were anesthetized with alpha-chloralose and urethane, and substance P (SP) was administered to the dental pulp through the catheterized lingual artery in doses that caused PBF change without the influence of systemic blood pressure. NK1 receptor antagonists were applied iontophoretically to the prepared dentinal cavity of ipsilateral canine teeth of the drug administration, and PBF was monitored. Data were analyzed statistically with paired t-test. PBF increase after iontophoretic application of the NK1 receptor antagonists followed by the intra-arterial administration of SP was significantly less than PBF increase after iontophoretic application of the 0.9% saline followed by the intra-arterial administration of SP as a control (p < 0.05). Iontophoretic application of the NK1 receptor antagonists (0.2~3.4 mM) following the intra-arterial administration of SP resulted in less increase of PBF than the iontophoretic application of the 0.9% saline following the intra-arterial administration of SP as a control (p < 0.05). Therefore. the results of the present study provide evidences that the iontophoretic application is an effective method to deliver drugs to the dental pulp. and that iontophoretically applied NK1 receptor antagonists block SP-induced vasodilation effectively. The above results show the possibility that the iontophoretical application of NK1 receptor antagonists can control the neurogenic inflammation in the dental pulp.
This study analyzed the change of the Korean welfare regime during the conservative government. It is clear that the welfare expanded during the conservative government, but this expansion was the process of realizing the constraint of expansion that reduces future welfare expenditure in Korea. In addition, as the public welfare centered on social insurance expanded after 10 years of liberal government, the backward selectivity of the Korean welfare regime strengthened in the conservative administration. Expanding social insurance itself does not reinforce the backward selectivity of the Korean welfare regime. However, the industrial structure created by the export-led growth system has intensified the fragmentation of the labor market, and expanding social insurance designed based on regular workers under these conditions has forced the backward selectivity of the social security system. It is for this reason that the backward selectivity has been reinforced during the conservative government.
Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing Administration
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v.4
no.2
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pp.363-385
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1998
The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between organizational culture types and organizational effectiveness in the hospitals and to identify the cultural and organizational characteristics of the hospitals with high organizational effectiveness. Data were collected from May 12 to June 14. 1997 through questionnaire taken by 1.118 nurses working in 10 hospitals with more than 800 beds and from annual reports published by the hospitals. The instruments were used for collecting the data: Organizational Culture Questionnatire and Organizational Characteristics Questionnatire developed by the researcher. Mowday's Organizational Commitment Questionnaire. Taylor & Bovver's General Satisfaction Scale. The Results were as follows: 1. The meta culture of the hospital organizations was the conservative culture. 2. There were significant differences of the four organizational cultural types - affiliative culture. innovative culture. conservative culture. task culture among the hospitals(p=.00). 3. The hospital organizations were classified in to three cultural patterns. each of which had similar cultural composition. on the basis of the scores indicating the similarity and difference of the foul' organizational cultural types among the hospitals. The organization of each group represents conservative- dominant culture. innovative-dominant culture and competitive culture. 4. Nurses' organizational commitment and job satisfaction were significantly different among the cultural patterns(p=.00). In other words. the hospitals with innovative-dominant culture showed higher organizational commitment and job satisfaction than ones with conservative-dominant culture and competitive culture. And also. the growth rate of outpatients and inpatients were significantly different among the cultural patterns(p<.05). The hospitals with innovative -dominant culture showed higher growth rate of outpatients and inpatients than ones with conservative-dominant culture and competitive culture. 5. The hospitals with conservative-dominant culture and competitive culture showed higher level of centralization than ones with innovative -dominant culture(p=.00) And the hospitals with competitive and innovative-dominant culture showed higher level of communication than those with conservative-dominant culture(p=.00) Finally. the hospitals with innovative-dominant culture showed higher level of managerial strategy than those with conservative-dominant and competitive culture. among which the latter showed higher level of managerial strategy than the former(p=.00).
Objectives: The purpose of this study was to investigate the involvement of TRPA1 in the cinnamaldehyde-induced pulpal blood flow (PBF) change in the feline dental pulp. Materials and Methods: Mandibles of eight cats were immobilized and PBF was monitored with a laser Doppler flowmetry at the mandibular canine tooth. To evaluate the effect of cinnamaldehyde on PBF, cinnamaldehyde was injected into the pulp through the lingual artery at a constant rate for 60 seconds. As a control, a mixture of 70% ethanol and 30% dimethyl sulfoxide (DMSO, vehicle) was used. To evaluate the involvement of transient receptor potential ankyrin 1 (TRPA1) in PBF change, AP18, a specific TRPA1 antagonist, was applied into the pulp through the Class V dentinal cavity followed by cinnamaldehyde-administration 3 minutes later. The paired variables of experimental data were statistically analyzed using paired t-test. A p value of less than 0.05 was considered as statistically significant. Results: Administration of cinnamaldehyde (0.5 mg/kg, intra-arterial [i.a.]) induced significant increases in PBF (p < 0.05). While administration of a TRPA1 antagonist, AP18 (2.5 - 3.0 mM, into the dentinal cavity [i.c.]) caused insignificant change of PBF (p > 0.05), administration of cinnamaldehyde (0.5 mg/kg, i.a.) following the application of AP18 (2.5 - 3.0 mM, i.c.) resulted in an attenuation of PBF increase from the control level (p < 0.05). As a result, a TRPA1 antagonist, AP18 effectively inhibited the vasodilative effect of cinnamaldehyde (p < 0.05). Conclusions: The result of the present study provided a functional evidence that TRPA1 is involved in the mechanism of cinnamaldehyde-induced vasodilation in the feline dental pulp.
Since 2012, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe'sadministration began to promote women's participation and advancement in the workplace and established the Act on the Promotion of Female Participation and Career Advancement in the Workplace (the Act) in 2015. Some criticize this Act as a way to utilize women for economic development and to deal with the shrinking working population. In contrast, others point out that it is a law that can be beneficial for women. As such, this Act serves as an interesting case of a women's policy promoted by a conservative government. This paper's objective is to shed light on if and how women are substantively represented in the Diet members' statements made during the legislative debate of the bill on the Promotion of Female Participation and Career Advancement in the Workplace between 2014 and 2015. This paper asks two research questions. First, based on the mixed evaluation of the Act made in the studies about the Abe administration's women's policies, this research asks if the Diet members speak of women as resources to use for other economic and social goals or if women are substantively represented. Second, drawing insights from the literature on women's substantive representation, this research asks how Diet members speak for women. Particularly, based on the studies on conservatism and substantive representation of women, this question seeks to determine if Diet members engage in the conservative representation of women, taking women's roles as mothers and wives who provide care for children, husbands, and elders at home for granted. The results of the analysis demonstrate that the number of statements that explicitly claimed to use women was small. Second, while some Diet members of conservative political parties engaged in the conservative representation of women, there were more instances of non-conservative representation, in which a variety of types of women were represented. These findings reveal that even when the conservative government's intention to submit the bill was to utilize women rather than acting for women, Diet members could speak for various types of women and engage in the non-conservative representation of women. The findings also imply the importance of paying attention to formal and informal legislative deliberation rules to figure out how women's substantive representation can occur under a conservative government and in a legislature dominated by conservative parties.
The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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v.6
no.3
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pp.9-18
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2019
The purpose of this study is to investigate the relation between conservative loan loss accounting practice of banks, defined as accounting behavior that increases loan loss allowances against expected credit losses, and bank lending. Furthermore, we specify the macroeconomic conditions reflecting debtors' borrowing environments and analyze how these conditions affect the relation between conservative loan loss allowances and bank lending. Although existing literature reports that accounting conservatism has a direct effect on non-financial firms' investment behavior, there is little evidence about an effect of conservatism on banks' lending behavior. By exploiting data showing the links between individual Japanese firms and their individual lenders to control both loan demand and supply, we estimate OLS regressions to test the relationships among conservative loan loss allowance, bank lending, and macroeconomic conditions using a unique dataset containing bank-firm-year observations between 2001 and 2013. We find banks that have conservative loan loss allowances tend to provide fewer loans to firms with financing needs when macroeconomic conditions are good and these conservative banks are likely to provide more loans to firms when macroeconomic conditions are bad. Our findings suggest that reflecting expected credit loss into loan loss allowances can mitigate the procyclical behavior of banks.
An esophagocutaneous fistula following anterior cervical fusion is rare.We had experienced two cases of postoperative cervical esophagocutaneous fistula, which one case was treated with nonoperative management and the other with operative management.The operation was tried when the conservative treatment seemed to be unsuccessful.They were eventually recovered with conservative treatment, whitch consisted of wound drainage and intravenous administration of antibiotics and operative management with the transposition of sternocleidomastoid muscle flap respectively.
This paper aims to provide a critical assesment of Conservatives's and new Labour's social assistance reforms in the U.K. and their differential impacts on low income groups. During the period of 18 years in power, the Conservative governments enforced benefit recipients being capable of work to be out of benefits and to get into work. They employed not only 'carrots' to encourage beneficiaries being capable of work to have full-time work, but also 'sticks' to discourage them to depend on benefits. The reforms under the Conservative governments were closer to the workfare model. The new Labour government has continued to emphasize work regarding social security reform. It has raised 'from welfare to work' as the main reform objective. However, it has not necessarily focused on 'carrots and sticks' in order to get beneficiaries into work. Instead, the new Labour government has put its priority regarding social assistance reform on human capital development in order to develop the capability of beneficiaries for work. Britain under the new Labour government seems to be moving from workfare to activation model. These differentials between the Conservative governments and the new Labour government regarding social assistance reforms bring about the different policy outcomes. Under the Conservative government, social assistance programmes were prone to strengthen the state's control over benefit recipients and to increase stigma to them. Punitive, demeaning, stigmatising programmes of work and unending job search activities harm the bases of self-respect. On the contrary, the activation programmes under the new Labour government has contributed positively to both socially significant participation and autonomy of beneficiaries.
This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.
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