• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.163-174
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• 2024

The purpose of this study is to analyze the relationship between social change and ritual change and to reveal the differences between Confucian funeral rites and modern rituals based on that relationship. In addition, we attempted to examine the process of change in rituals over time in connection with changes in institutions. The periodization of funeral rites was analyzed by dividing them into the pre-modern 'Confucian funeral rites', the 'modern funeral rites' during the Japanese colonial period, and the 'modern funeral rites' based on ritual capital with the implementation of the Healthy Family Rituals Standards in 1999. In addition, the understanding of the rites of the times must be understood through the process of moving from pre-modern to modern funeral rites and modern funeral rites, escaping the logical contradiction of succession of tradition through division of time. This study is meaningful in considering that Koreans' perception of death continues to reflect the times from the perspective of change and continuation of rituals.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.144-152
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• 2004

In this study, the settlement of this etiquette book and the five-class mourning-costume system throughout two dynasties is examined and analyzed.; According to the Chosun dynasty's efforts to practice Chu-Ja-Ga-Rye(朱子家禮, Chu Hsi's Book of Family Rituals) through legal intensification and enlightenment policies, the book's teachings had a general effect on society at large. As a result, the family system and funeral rites turned Confucian from a Shaman-Buddhist mixture. As the Confucian order was strengthened to highlight the authority of the male family head, the funeral rituals were based on Chu Hsi's Book of Family Rituals. So, the 100-day funeral of Koryo turned into the 3-year funeral in the Chosun dynasty. Also, the main and father's lines were valued, while the mother's and wife's lines were neglected. Even though there was no great difference of status or place between males and females in the Koryo dynasty, the settlement of Chu-Ja-Ga-Rye brought about the drop of women's status as they gradually began to be dependent on men.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.233-240
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• 1994

The purpose of this study is to consider psycological funtions of mourning dresses in Confucianism. By each step of A.V.Gennep's passage rites, the result of this thesis summarised as follow; In the first Seperation rites after calling the death' name three times the relatives for whom mourning is due become dishevelled hair bare feet and bare shoulder etc. In the second Transition rites, bereaved familly has worn 5 class mourning dresses in deep grief. In the third Cooperation rites, gradually the living familly goes through three year stages of changing mourning dresses to ordinary colthes. In Confucian funeral ceremony the deviation of clothing behavior in each mourning step sublimates bereaved person's sorrow into their internal security.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.277-285
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• 2024

Unlike traditional rituals, modern Korean death rituals are carried out through ritual space caqlled a 'funeral home'. and the 'corpse clothes' the last garment worn by the deceased, is recognized as the most important ritual element. In this study, we will discuss the perceptions of tradition through the change of the corpse clothes. There are two types of clothing used for the deceased in Confucian literature centered on "Jujagarye" and "Sugui worn by the deceased through the procedures of the custom" and corpse clothing used to add clothes at Soryom(小殮) and Daeryom(大斂). However, it was investigated that through the Japanese colonial rule, the procedures for Seup(襲), Soryom(小殮) and Daeryom(大斂) were integrated, and the clothes to be worn by the deceased were changed to "sui" through the family ritual rule in 1969 as corpse clothes continued. Through this, the last garment of the deceased, the "wet robe," was changed into the "shroud" and settled, and it is meaningful to continue the discussion about what is right and what should be inherited from the perspective of "tradition" that we perceive.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.48
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• pp.151-168
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• 1999

A Study on a Woman's Shrouds in Middle of the 16 Century based on the excavation of the Mrs. Moon's grave in Andong is reported in this paper. As a result of the study the followings are obtained: 1. From the architecture and costume in the Mrs. Moon's grave we can conclude that Confucian funeral rites were already established in Andong region of the 16th century. 2. The articles used for funeral rites can be classified as Bujangpum(副葬品) Chikwanjeku(治棺諸具) Bokongpoom(補空品), and Yumsupku(斂솝具) and costumes for the death wrapping can be especially classified as Yumsupeui(斂섭衣) 3. Total 63 remains were excavated from the Mrs. Moon's grave. Among them 3 Chikwanjeku 19 Daeryumku(大斂具) 12 Soryumku(小斂具) and 29 Supku(섭具) Yumsup procedure was performed with great care Shrouds were the casual cloths and only Sangbok were made for the ritual Several Sooeui were found. 4. Pricedyak characteristics of Yumsup include unusual direction of wrap the meaning of Boolryu and unusual Chingsoo of used clothes. 5. There were 41 costumes in : Coats were Sangbok and Jangot upper cloths were long jacket and short jacket Danjukori Jeoksam and Hansam Each of the trousers and the skirts were two different kinds by the form The pair of Hangjeon socks shoes and a cap found in this grave were also studied.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.275-285
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• 2006

With these excavated clothes discussed above, the clothing style before and after the Chosun-Japan War from 1592 to 1597 can be summarized as follows. 1) Shroud was a clothes newly made for funeral or usually worn by the deceased. Shroud was mostly a unlined clothes whose adjustment was made in such way its left part was on top of its right one. Yeomeui, a clothes used to wrap up the body of the deceased or fill between the body and the coffin, was usually lined or quilted. Suryeeui was a suit sent by close relatives of the deceased or granted by the court. Mostly padded with cotton or quilted, suryeeui was used only for yeomeui. 2) The term of ching was used to count units of po and suits of trousers and jeogori during dressing the deceased for burial. If trousers and jeogori were not joined into a suit, they were not counted as ching. 3) Aekjueumpo, bangryeongsangeui, three-forked trousers and haengjeon for women were all clothes worn around the war. All these clothes were not worn after the war. 4) Several types of po which were discovered in Daejeon included danryeong, simeui, nansam, jikryeong, cheolik, aekjuempo, changeui and jungchimak for men and jangeui for women. Often, jikryeong, cheolrik, aekjueumpo and bangryeongsangeui were used before the war and changeui and jungchimak since then. 5) The git of jeogori had the style of mokpan git before the war, which was changed into that of dangko git through making the rectangular ege of mokpan git rounded in the 17th century. And jeogori became entirely small sized and the baerae line of sleeve became oblique. 6) In funeral rites of Daejon, simeui and nansam both of which were symbols of Confucian scholars, instead of official uniforms, were used as funeral garments. This suggests that funeral rites of Daejeon considerably reflected academic traditions of the Giho school meaning groups of scholars representing the region.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.215-240
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• 2018

In this paper, the contents about funeral rites in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial"(儀禮) were compared to those in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. The most direct and systematic document related to funeral rites is "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Some of its contents had been reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, such as "Zuo Zhuan", "Mozi" and "Xunzi", while others didn't agree with one another. It happened because some contents had been already reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought in the process of establishing scriptures about manners including the ancient "Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial", and because, on the contrary, the contents of the books of Hundred Schools of Thought had become included in the scriptures about manners by following Confucianism. First, the basic contents of Chapter 'Mourning Clothes' in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" were generally reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, and there are many contents in common. Most prominently, three-year-mourning for parents and a king had been enhanced in Confucianism commonly. Although Mohism opposed Confucian luxurious and long funerals (厚葬久喪), the mourning clothing system in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" can be said to have been people's universal understanding until the Spring and Autumn period at least. In addition, it has been verified that there were differences in the mourning clothes depending on the one who wore them was an adult or not both in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" and the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. On the other hand, many arguments in the contents about funeral rites reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought were different from the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". In particular, the mourning clothes for parents reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought showed that there were differences depending on social positions, which was dissimilar to the regulations in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Also, different from the mourning clothes system for parents and a king, the system for a wife and a concubine was dissimilar to the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" in many ways. Since the regulations of Chapter of 'Mourning Clothes' in the present version of "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" suggest different mourning clothes and periods depending on who wears the mourning clothes and what social position the deceased had, it seems difficult to implement them strictly historically as well as at those times. Especially, while the funeral rituals for a child was relatively clear based on the parent-child relationship of "affection" and those for a king and parents were plainly regulated and emphasized, the rules of those for a vassal and a wife were absent or ambiguous in many cases. Therefore, the term of "the Theee Bonds"(三綱) appeared first in Dong Zhongshu(董仲舒)'s "Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals"(春秋繁露) that reflected the ideology of political ethics of Han Dynasty(漢代), but regarding its contents, it can be said to have been already reflected in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial".

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.1
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• pp.101-117
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• 1977

This thesis is a study of the Simui(深衣) system which was a dress regulation peculiar to old China with skirt and coat. The origin of Simui is a very long time, that is, before Ju dynasty in China. Its wearing range had a large circle irrespective of rank and good or bad luck. This was a ordinary dress to the Emperor or the lords, a below court attire or a below sacrificial rites attire to the illustrious officials, and good luck dress to the common people. But this was a funeral rites attire or coming-of-age ceremony attire in domestic behaviour. In the times of Song dynasty, lots of confucian scholars had put on this simui because of Juhi's recommendation for domestic behaviour. This Simui had been put on through all the times of China and was the original text of all the dress. Especially the court attire and silkworm working dress of Empress, and the court attire and underwear court attire of Emperor is also made out of this Simui, therefore this is a origin of the ceremonial dress which formed into long coat. In Korea it is said that this Simui was brought in prior to the middle of Goryeo dynasty. But we can't tell the correct transmitted age. According to the following records in Goryeo History, "King had put on the Simui as a sacrificial rite attire in the times of Yejong". It is sure that this Simui was brought in prior to the times of Yejong. In fact, lots of confucian scholars had put on the Simui since the introduction of confucianism in the end of Goryeo dynasty and after that time this was taken by many confucian scholars through Yi dynasty. Korean Simui system was complied with Chinese system through confucian domestic behaviour, This was respected for court dress of confucian scholars, as it were, Chumri, (an ordinary dress of scholars), Nansam (a uniform of upper student), and Hakchangui (a uniform of confucian student). There are many deta about Simui system in the book of Yeki, chapter Okcho and Simui, and other many canfucian books. But we didn't demonstrate the theory about it till now. Especially there are diversifies of opinions about the phrase of "Sok Im Ku Byun" in Yeki. Simui was cut in separate and then was stitched together in one piece. Generally its shape had round sleeve and angled lapel, its length reaches to the anklebone. And it has a line around the lapel, the sleeve band, and the edge of skirt. It is called Simui because the body can be wrapped deeply in broad width and large sleeve. The Simui was made of white fine linen and was cut by the natural size of body. Every part of Simui had a profound meaning; the round sleeve in compliance with regulation can keep a courtesy when a walker moves his hands and the angled lapel like a carpenter's square in compliance with square keeps them front loosing their Justice and a string of the back also keeps them loosing from their righteousness and the flat lower part of Simui makes their heart and mind calm. This Simui was usually attendant on a head cover and belt made cloth, and black shoes. This thesis was made a study of documents and portrait from Yi dynasty, for the actual object was not obtained.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.8 no.5
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• pp.648-659
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• 2000

Through this study I would like to examine the meaning system of the symbolized codes related with real costume figures of the abstract concept of the style of the mourning ceremonial dress in Chosun Dynasty as a variable cause of communication through non-language method by the structural analysis of coding of the ceremonial dress style and the meaning system of the codes centering on the traditional book of funeral etiquette dealing with hueneral cereony in the period. To achieve this purpose, I have used the symbolic theory of constructive concept by F. de Saussure, cultural notation theory of Roland Barthes & Umberto Eco, and structural style of costumes by Myung-Sook Han. The result of the study is as follows. 1. As Chosun Dynasty was a society in which people considered courtesy so much important and practiced the basic Confucian ideas of the three bonds and five moral disciplines in human relations, the characteristic of funeral rites in Chosun Dynasty consists in expression of the thoughts of moral ethics & relative systems and systems of clan rules, etc which was a langue determining the symbols of mourning ceremony dress because the mourning ceremony dress in the period should have the feature of a langue. The mourning ceremonial dresses in the period had five grades of the consume and the grades were determined to be classified into five levels according to the clan system of the chief mourner with sang, ha bang. And the method of the association of the mourning ceremonial dress codes had the six principles of Chinchin, Jonjon, Myoungboon, Chulip, Changyu, and Jongbok. 2. Regarding the mourning ceremonial costumes in Korean society, the meaning of funeral ceremony was expressed by the signifier and materials of the mourning costumes in the society. During the process of the funeral, the intangible feeling of condolence was the expression of mourning and the tangible mourning ceremonial dress was the signal with the lamentation meaning. Especially, characters and patterns were removed from the mourning ceremonial dresses in spite of their function of symbols and the styles of costumes were emphasized. Especially the meaning of condolences was symbolized by attachment of some small pieces of cloth on the upper garments. Hemp was mainly emphasized to be the material of the costumes and some different meanings showed according to the quality of the material hemp. The mourning ceremonial dresses were distinguished from ordinary dresses, which were emphasized because they gad some symbolic meaning of the mourning. 3. Considering the association of the synthetic relations of the costumes from the viewpoint that the mourning ceremonial dresses would be classified according to a system, the symbolization of them were avaliable by sex according to how to combine them and there were no distinction between social classes in the society.